Chapter Twenty-Four 322

Measuring Economic Growth and Performance  322

 

Hairy Toes and Housing Starts. 323

On National Income Accounting. 323

COMPUTING A PRICE INDEX AND REAL OUTPUT.. 324

Profits in National Income Accounting. 325

Gross Investment minus Depreciation. 325

Why Do We Impute Rent?. 326

How Do Imported and Used Cars Affect GDP and NNP?. 327

Limitations of Measured GDP. 328

Emphasizing the Concept of GDP. 329

Chapter Twenty-Four

Measuring Economic Growth and Performance


Hairy Toes and Housing Starts

Edward D. Lotterman, University of Minnesota‑Twin Cities

One of the key tasks for principles students is to learn how important economic parameters such as GDP, inflation, and unemployment are defined and measured and why such measures are important to policy makers and laypeople as well as academics. I have found it helpful to use an analogy that compares these economic variables to the physiological ones a physician might record while examining a patient. GDP is to a nation as height and weight are to a person. The rate of change in the price level bears some similarity to body temperature; interest rates may be compared to blood pressure, and so on. The comparisons may seem a bit farfetched, but they do provide an intuitive understanding of why these economic indicators are measured and recorded. These indicators give government, business, and the general public some idea about what economic actions might be advisable just as key physiological indicators give physicians some basis for actions with regard to their patient's health.

 

            I extend this analogy when I deal with less important indicators such as housing starts. I note that these are not necessarily important in themselves, but are valuable because they serve as proxies for more important factors or because they give advance warning of possible changes in more general economic conditions. Then I tell them about a physical exam I had some time ago. The doctor felt my feet and toes. He said, "Hum that's funny, I just can't find a pulse anywhere in your toes." He felt again and then said, "Well, in any case you have good hair growth on them, so it should be OK." Mystified, I asked my doctor why such minor things as pulse or hair growth on toes were of any interest. It turns out that poor blood circulation is one of the leading indicators of the onset of diabetes, and that deteriorating circulation in the toes is a sign that any good clinician looks for. Not finding a pulse is a sign of possible poor circulation which might warrant further tests, but good hair growth indicates that circulation is not a problem. This simple analogy can be understood by most students and it reinforces the understanding that many variables, while not of overwhelming importance in themselves, can nevertheless be important indicators about the state of other aspects of the economy.

On National Income Accounting

Denny Myers, Oklahoma City Community College

Have your students investigate which country in the world has the highest per capita DPI. You will get many answers, but one should be the island republic of Nauru in the South Pacific. On further investigation the students will learn that it is a one‑resource economy based on super‑phosphate. DPI is over $100,000 for a family of four and they generally do not work. One implication of this chapter is that DPI is a fallible, but not unreasonable, measure of welfare. Have the students determine if life today on Nauru is better than, say, 50 years ago. It is certainly arguable.

COMPUTING A PRICE INDEX AND REAL OUTPUT

Knowles R. Parker, Wake Technical College

To better understand a price index or a table comparing current GDP and real GDP, students should have a crack at computing these numbers.  The trouble is that when even a hypothetical price level is put up on the board as a starting point, there is only the assurance that at least one student will do the original computations.  Nominal students will make a last minute effort to avail themselves of the work accomplished by the one real student.  How to individualize?  Eureka!  Tie such an assignment to the students' social security numbers. 

            Here's how it works.  The price level for a nine year period is unique to every student, because the units digit in each of the three digit numbers representing the price level is the student's social security number.  The first two digits are 50_ through 58_ (or really any other sequence).  It's arbitrary, but the fifth year can be designated as the base year and given the index value of 100.  From this beginning each student must follow the procedure for computing the price index as explained the most text books.

            The table can be extended, using the same data, to figure the inflation rate.  By designating an actual or units output of 100 through 108 (or any other sequence), the exercise can include calculations for current output and real output in dollars, using the price index as the deflator.

            In the discussion that follows students can refer to their own tables to clearly see that the increase in current output in dollars reflects both the increase in the quantity of goods and services and the price tags put on them.

            Such an assignment is quickly graded, and the instructor can harbor a lot less suspicion that he or she is going through a stack of facsimiles!

 

CREATING AND USING A PRICE DEFLATOR

             PRICE    PRICE    INFLATION   ACTUAL CURRENT      REAL

YEAR   LEVEL   INDEX      RATE (%)    OUTPUT OUTPUT($)   OUTPUT

_______________________________________________________________________________

1          502      92.79   2.19     100      50200.00         54100.66

2          513      94.82  2.73     101      51813.00         54643.54

3          527      97.41  1.52     102      53754.00         55183.25

4          535      98.89  1.12     103      55105.00         55723.53

5          541      100.00 2.96     104      56264.00         56264.00

6          557      102.96 1.44     105      58485.00         56803.61

7          565      104.44 1.06     106      59890.00         57343.93

8          571      105.55 2.10     107      61097.00         57884.41

9          583      107.76             108      62964.00         58429.84

 

Table 8-1

Profits in National Income Accounting

Thomas J. Shea, Springfield College

In any national income accounting problem, students invariably confuse the separate terms "undistributed corporate profit," "corporate profits taxes," and "dividends" with the total term "corporate profits before taxes." They will sum two, three or all four terms. Draw the parallel that the breakdown of the three separate terms is similar to the difference between gross earnings and take‑home pay. Just as we know that a paycheck before taxes is not indicative of what workers get to keep and that we must use different terms to distinguish them, it is the same with corporate profit before taxes. By asking what happens to paychecks, you get responses about how state taxes, federal taxes, FICA, etc. are taken out and distributed to various agencies, you tell them to imagine that "corporate profits before taxes" is a corporation's paycheck. What happens to it? Some is "distributed" to the government in the form of taxes; i.e. "corporate profits taxes." Some is distributed to the stockholders; i.e. "dividends." Finally there is the part that is left in the corporation; i.e. "undistributed corporate profit." The sum of the parts equals the whole.

Gross Investment minus Depreciation

Lee J. VanScyoc, University of Wisconsin-Oskosh

Students often find it difficult to comprehend why the capital  consumption allowance should be subtracted from GDP. I find the following example aids in a simplistic manner to explain why.

 

            Let's assume that on January 1, 1995 the economy has five houses. (Remember that residual housing is a part of investment.) This is shown in column one of Figure 8‑1. During the year, house #5 became worn out, or perhaps it burned down. Also, during the year three additional homes were built, (this is shown in column 2). Column 2 shows our gross investment that is the amount of residual houses that were constructed during the year.

 

            Has national welfare increased by three houses compared to the number of homes as of January 1? Column 3 shows that the economy is only 2 houses better‑off and not 3 houses. Why only 2 houses and not 3? One of the new houses simply replaced house #5 (the one destroyed by fire), so gross investment (3 houses) minus capital consumption allowance (1 house that burnt) equal net investment (2 houses). Thus, net investment is a better measure of national welfare.

Figure 8‑1 Gross Housing Investment after Rapid Depreciation

Why Do We Impute Rent?

David Jones, Pacific University

Suppose that this class represents all U.S. homeowners. (There were over 51 million owner‑occupied housing units in the U. S. in 1980.) Last New Year's Eve we had a big party and everyone decided to move next door. That is, I moved into my neighbor's house, she moves into her neighbor's house, who in turn moves into his next‑door neighbor's house. And we all begin paying rent. I pay her $225 per month. She pays him $450, etc. Clearly there are far more rental payments in this year than in previous years. (If the average owner‑now‑renter paid $350 per month, our income tax forms would show a total of (12 x $350 x 51 million = ) $214 billion more in rent than before! After a year we decide that this is a lousy idea and all move back "home". Reported rental income drops precipitously.

 

            Here's the question: Did the rental component of GDP derived via the income approach (W + R + i + P, etc. ) rise in the one year of craziness? If it did, how was that accounted for in the expenditure measure of GDP (C + I + G + X ‑ M)? It must have been caught by C, as consumption of housing services. When we all "move back home" reported rent falls, but does the consumption of housing services? Don't we continue to get the same C out of our houses, just without paying rent to anyone else? It would seem that GDP from the expenditures side has not changed. Its just a question of whether I am consuming the services of my house or my neighbor is. This implies that there would be no difference in the income measure of GDP either. (If you don't change C + I + G + X ‑ M, you can't change wage + rent + interest + profit, etc!) The folks at the Department of Commerce account for this apparent paradox by imputing rent to home owner/occupants (i.e., estimating the rental value of all the owner occupied housing and including that in the rental and consumption of components of GDP.

How Do Imported and Used Cars Affect GDP and NNP?

David Jones, Pacific University

Consider an imported car. Where was it produced? Say, Tokyo. It obviously has no impact on U.S. GDP until it is imported, at which time its F.O.B. or value at the U.S. dock (depending on who shipped it) is subtracted from U.S. GDP as an import. That same number, plus any domestic transportation, insurance, etc. is added to GDP as inventory (investment). On the income side, wages, rent, interest, profit, (W + R + i + P) etc. rise by domestic value added (the difference between the import price and the inventory value). From this point on, there is no difference between foreign and domestic cars as far as additional value added.

 

            Now let's look at a Detroit machine. When was it produced? If it was built and sold in 1980, it had its major impact back then. But if it's resold this year as a used car, the value added by the used car dealer is in W + R + i + P and as C, consumption of car salesmen's services. But if it's sold by a private individual, this value added element is missed in GDP calculations. Let's look at a car built this year.

 

            After the car is built, as it sits in Detroit or on the dealers lot in Cleveland, it is a part of inventory (investment). Who buys it? No matter who, the mark‑up shows up as value added in income (W + R + i + P), inventories drop by the dealer's cost of the car and some other component of expenditures (C, I, G or X) goes up by dealer's cost plus mark‑up; both income and expenditures go up on net by the dealers mark‑up. If someone buys the car for personal use, C goes up by the amount paid for the car. If it's bought by the federal, state or local government, G goes up by that much. Likewise for X if it's exported (no matter who ends up buying it in the other country). If a business buys the car investment (in plant and equipment) rises by the car's cost to the buyer and investment (in the car dealer's inventory) falls by the dealer's cost. The net change in the investment is the value added by the dealer.

 

            We've already dealt with resale of a used car. But there is one other way that this car can affect future national income and product accounts: Depreciation. If the car was exported, it's gone. If it was bought by a consumer, its not used in the production of future goods and services (in the eyes of Department of Commerce), so it's not depreciated. Even if the government bought it and used it to taxi VIP's around, it's not considered to be additionally productive (maybe Commerce is right!) and it's not depreciated. Only if a business owns the car (say, a taxi company) does it affect future national and product accounts, by lowering NNP relative to GDP due to its depreciation.

Limitations of Measured GDP

Ralph T. Byrns

Students seem to enjoy discussing the limitations of GDP estimates. Be sure to point out that errors in GDP accounts can lead to improper policy making (just as business decision makers faced with bad information about costs, sales, profits, etc., will make poor decisions.) Then ask your students why the rental value of owner occupied housing is included in GDP, and how accurate they think these figures are. List several types of data, and ask them to rank it for accuracy. E.g.:

 

         a.      Value‑added sales data from General Motors.

         b.      Tips reported by waiters and waitresses.

         c.      Wages earned by government employees.

         d.      Values of food grown and consumed on the farm.

         e.      Gross sales from home repair firms.

         f.       Sales people's incomes after adjusting for business expenses.

 

Many students will conclude that the data are so erroneous that GDP measures are a waste of time. Remind them (from Chapter 5) that the bulk of reported production and sales in this country are channeled through giant corporations that are closely scrutinized by the IRS. Suggest that this implies that either: (a) the dominance of giant corporations in the U.S. economy is substantially overstated, or (b) that the bulk of data used in GDP calculations are reasonably accurate. Ask your students which of these positions they believe to be correct. (Frankly, we do not have a good answer ourselves.)

            In a similar vein, students are very interested in the Underground Economy. Ask students if they know people who fail to report all of their income to the IRS, or who overstate their personal deductions and business expenses. This almost always generates a lively class discussion.

 

            A different ploy is to ask students how many have had a course in statistics. After a show of hands, discuss the standard statistical assumption that measurement errors are off‑setting (normally distributed). Then ask the class whether they believe that reported incomes are as frequently overstated as they are understated. Students quickly see the point, and its implications for national income accounting.

Emphasizing the Concept of GDP

Ralph T. Byrns

Students should be able to distinguish between conceptual GDP (the total value of annual production) and published estimates of GDP, which are severely limited by data availability. If you shine your own shoes, for example, this adds to conceptual GDP, but not to measured GDP. You might relate the old tale about the man who marries his maid and, thus, reduces measured (but not conceptual) GDP.

            Many students do not understand why imports are subtracted from exports. (ANSWER: Because imported goods are included in consumption, investment, and government purchases.) Challenge students to think of any other groupings of buyers. Ask them to explain why transfer payments are not included in government purchases. (ANSWER: Nothing must be produced by welfare recipients for them to receive these payments. This is not the case for consumer or investor transactions, nor for government purchases. For these transactions, there is always quid pro quo.) We find that emphasizing the concepts by raising such questions is more effective in developing student understanding than is spending a lot of class time on accounting examples.