Chapter Thirty-Seven. 442

Economic Growth and Development 442

 

The Production Possibilities Curve of a Third World Country. 443

Economic Growth and the Capital‑Consumption Tradeoff 445

Foreign Investment and Capital Depletion. 446

Foreign Aid:  Who Really Provides?. 447

Why is Population Growth in the Third World so Rapid?. 447

Investment Distortions in Developing Countries. 448

The Problem of Third World Underdevelopment 448

A Dilemma for Third World Development Strategies. 449

The Rule of 72. 449

The Costs and Benefits of Growth. 449

Development Paths. 449

Price Formation in Developing Countries. 450

Chapter Thirty-Seven

Economic Growth and Development


The Production Possibilities Curve of a Third World Country

Robert C. Graham, University of North Carolina‑Charlotte

Economics studies the process by which scarce resources are allocated. Therefore, scarcity of resources is the most fundamental concept in economics. However, given the relative abundance of commodities available in the United States, student typically underemphasize the importance of scarcity of resources as a concept. The following hypothetical illustration is designed to reemphasize the importance of scarcity of resources as a concept.

 

            Tell the class that they represent the government of a third world country. The country is characterized by a command economy and a high rate of population growth. The country's production possibilities curve looks as follows:

Figure 19‑1

            Since the country has a command economy, it is up to the class to choose the combination of commodities that will be produced in the economy. However, their choices will be limited to either point A or point B on the production possibilities curve. Remind the students that in making their choices they need to take into account that consumer commodities include the food necessary to feed the people of the country, while capital commodities represent a resource which can shift the production possibilities curve outward in subsequent years. Inform students that by choosing point B the quantity of capital commodities produced is just sufficient to replace the machinery and equipment that wears out; therefore, no economic growth will occur. On the other hand, if point A is chosen, the amount of capital commodities produced is sufficient to shift the production possibilities curve to the dashed line in the following diagram.

Figure 19‑2

            The students must now decide which combination of commodities to produce, the combination represented by point A or by point B.

 

            One last thing to note, however, is the cost of a wrong decision. It is possible that a wrong choice of output combinations will result in the removal of our government from power, and, perhaps, in imprisonment.

 

            It is now time to take a vote among students. First ask the students who have chosen point A the reason for their choice, which will be the economic growth for next year. Explain that the economic growth is great, but unfortunately people are starving this year because insufficient consumer commodities have been produced. As a consequence, they will be removed from office and imprisoned.

 

            Now ask the students who have chosen point B the reason for their choice. They will respond with the comment that they wanted to produce enough food for the population. Explain that the concern for food production this year is great, but unfortunately people will be starving next year due to insufficient economic growth. As a consequence, they will be removed from office and imprisoned.

 

            Typically students will now want some choice between point A and B. Reply that such a combination will result in some starvation both this year and next year. The problem for this country is that it needs both CB in consumer commodities and KA in capital commodities to provide for both this year and next year. However, this combination of commodities is unobtainable (outside of the curve) due to scarcity of resources. Therefore, in this illustration, the scarcity of resources is such that there is no best answer; starvation will always occur.

 

            This illustration can also be used as a springboard for discussion of foreign aid or loans. It is only with this type of assistance from another country that the constraint imposed by scarcity can be overcome.

Economic Growth and the Capital‑Consumption Tradeoff

Thomas Wyrick, Grove City College

The production possibilities model is often used to examine the rationale for investing in capital goods. If a nation forgoes consumption goods now, it can accumulate a larger capital stock and thereby experience more rapid economic growth than was previously possible. The higher rate of growth ultimately permits a higher level of consumption than was achievable along the original production possibilities frontier.

 

            Not being national policy makers, some students do not identify with this example and eventually forget the underlying message about the tradeoff between present and future consumption.

 

            The principle is more memorable if applied to something in the students' own experience. At one point or another, all students have decided to forego present consumption in order to invest in human capital, which they expect will increase their lifetime standards of living. Given their common experience, investments in human capital should be used to illustrate the tradeoff between present and future consumption before developing more complicated examples.

 

            In Figure 19‑3, the decision maker allocates time between work and study. As one moves up the production possibilities curve from A to B, less time is available for earning an income so current consumption declines. However, the investment in human capital pushes the production (and consumption) possibilities curve outward over time, so, in the long run, consumption (at C) is far greater than would have been possible by following the no‑education alternative (A).

Figure 19‑3

            Figure 19‑4 shows the relationship between academic degree and monthly earnings. Earnings are directly related to the level of education attained, which reflects the amount invested in human capital. Whether or not education is a wise investment requires a comparison between the additional earnings and the costs of acquiring more education, which goes beyond the limits of the production possibilities model.

Figure 19‑4

Foreign Investment and Capital Depletion

James S. Hanson

Professor of Economics

Willamette University

A frequent criticism of multinational corporations and banks which invest real capital or financial capital in third world nations is that nations are exploited through such activity because the corporations or banks repatriate in profits and principle much more than they initially invest.

 

To encourage my students to carefully analyze this contention I ask them to imagine that they have earned $5,000 in a summer job and deposit half of this in a bank savings account for use during the second semester.  They deposit $2,500 and expect to withdraw $2,575 in six months (assuming simple interest at a 6 per cent annual rate).  I then ask them if they would feel that as struggling college students they had "exploited" the rich, capitalist bank by taking out more than they had put in.  They respond, of course, with sharp denial, pointing out that the bank probably earned a return greater than 6 per cent by investing their funds for the six months.

 

I conclude with a brief review of net present value analysis, showing that any investment with a net present value greater than zero requires that the future return flow exceed the initial investment.  The key point is that both parties expect the investment to be a "positive sum game" in which the borrower gains enough from the use of funds to repay the loan or investment with interest and still retain net benefits.  This applies to third world loans or the more recent Japanese investments in the U.S.  Mutual gains never are guaranteed, of course, so caution is advised;  exploitation does occur, bad loans are made, and banks do fail.  But future outflows exceeding initial inflows is no evidence of loss or exploitation.

Foreign Aid:  Who Really Provides?

James S. Hanson, Willamette University

Aid donors are criticized because private firms within their own country often benefit from the resulting export contracts.  I ask students to consider an alternative.  Suppose that the U.S. government gives one million dollars in grant aid to Bolivia.  The value of foreign aid resides in its ability to finance imports, but what if Bolivia uses the funds to buy mining equipment from Germany, who then keeps the dollars as reserves?  Who gave the aid?  The U.S. gave up dollars which are costless to produce, while Germany gave up mining equipment which took considerable resources to produce, importing nothing in return.  Germany made the real sacrifice.  This would change if Germany used the dollars to purchase products from the U.S., or if Bolivia bought directly from the U.S. 

 

This exercise does not support the tying of aid to purchases within the donor country, a practice which reduces the real value of aid to the recipient and often distorts development.  The point is that foreign assistance is not "really" given by the formal donor unless or until actual products or services leave the donor country with no imports flowing back in exchange.  U.S. export firms may gain contracts, but this represents the real resource cost of providing the aid, not an offsetting benefit to the donor country.

Why is Population Growth in the Third World so Rapid?

J. Michael Swint, The University of Texas Health Science Center

To partially explain the behavior of the leaders of some third world countries who encourage high rates of population growth in their countries (and accuse the West of racial bigotry):

 

         a.      GDP = f(L, K, technology, etc.) and L = g(population). There is evidence that at least over the short‑to‑medium run GDP is a positive function of population growth.

 

         b.      The growth rate in GDP/POP roughly equals the net rate of investment divided by the incremental capital‑output ratio, with the percent growth in population then subtracted from that fraction. Thus GDP/POP, except in unusual circumstances, is negatively influenced by population growth.

 

            GDP simply represents economic growth and is a better gauge of political and military power of a country internationally than GDP/POP. Per Capita Gross Domestic Product is a better measure of social economic development, i.e., more closely related to the welfare of the population than is GDP. Thus the motivations of those favoring continuing high population growth may not be fully inspired by the desire for improvements in the welfare of the populace.

Investment Distortions in Developing Countries

J. Michael Swint, The University of Texas Health Science Center

Even where there is little investment risk in developing countries, the local government often tends to operate with a higher necessary internal rate of return required for investments‑‑including situations where there is not an abundance of attractive projects. This in part can be explained by considering one component of the social discount rage (the standard to which the internal rate of return (IRR) is compared for project approval)‑‑the social time rate of preference (STP). This reflects society's impatience to have commodities now rather than later, and this impatience will reflect the personal "costs" of postponement. In societies where a large portion of the population lives at the subsistence margin, postponement means greatly increased mortality rates, and the STP is very high. Thus the social discount rate, comprised of the STP and the social opportunity cost of capital, is driven upward as a standard which the IRR must exceed for project approval.

The Problem of Third World Underdevelopment 

James Angresano, Hampden‑Sydney College

Most students are inclined to assume that all nations, including the underdeveloped countries, can experience economic growth and development by emulating our strategies and institutions. To dispel this misconception I ask students to list a few factors that contributed to our own successful development efforts.

 

            Their list usually includes: favorable climate; an abundance and variety of natural resources; low population density with frontiers to absorb excess population; a stable, honest system of government; an immigrant labor force eager to work for modest wages; the establishment of land‑grant institutions of higher learning (which contributed to the development of technology suitable for our own particular resource development); and an absence of foreign influence in the form of a colonial power imposing its rules and technology upon us.

 

            I then emphasize that all of these factors have been absent in nearly every underdeveloped nation, putting these countries at a significant disadvantage. Students generally understand at this point that the third world nations cannot simply realize economic development and cultural change by emulating our own methods.

A Dilemma for Third World Development Strategies

Scott Brunger, Maryville College

Imagine you are a college student in the Third World. Most of your relatives are small farmers. Your father owns and operates a store and your mother is a teacher. You are one of seven children. Among your relatives, only half of the children ever went to school. One‑tenth of them entered high school. If you finish college and find a job, you are expected to help pay tuition for your relatives' children.

 

            Your country has been independent since 1960. Since then, it has experienced three military revolts. Most educated people work for the government. Some big foreign companies are setting up business and employing college graduates at starting salaries of U.S. $6,000 per year. The minimum wage is 40 cents per hour. You know life is better in North America, Europe, and Japan. The best things you buy come from there. Your favorite T.V. program is "Dallas."

 

            Question: How would you explain why your country is poor?

The Rule of 72

Ralph T. Byrns

One way to induce students to learn the Rule of 72 is to apply it to business situations. For example, if you suggest that this is a way to compute how long it takes a bank account to double if the compounded interest rate is fixed, business students especially are prone to learn this rule. We also suggest that they learn the formula for the relationships between rates of return, annuities, and prices (P = A/i, or PV = A/r) for much the same reason, and this does get students to learn how to use these formulas.

The Costs and Benefits of Growth

Ralph T. Byrns

Discuss the pros and cons of economic growth with your class. Among the benefits of development are the eradication of poverty, illiteracy, and health problems that are almost unknown in the developed countries. If there is growth in per capita GDP, longevity expands and the income distribution tends to become somewhat more equal. Growth also seems to induce political stability. The costs of growth include environmental pollution, urban congestion, alienation and the breakdowns of families.

Development Paths

Ralph T. Byrns

Many countries that seek more rapid development, including even China and the USSR, appear to increasingly rely on elements of the market system and international trade for sources of economic development. Discuss with students why how China under Deng, the USSR under Gorbachev, and numerous countries in Africa and Asia have diverged from the largely socialist paths they pursued for decades in their quest for growth and development. Were desires to reshape human nature (e.g., Mao Zedong) doomed to failure? The work of P.T. Bauer is directed at the importance of the development of markets on the path for development, and may be of interest if you want to extend this lecture.

Price Formation in Developing Countries

Eduardo F. Goldszal, John Jay College of Criminal Justice

Students of macroeconomics learn from the neoclassical theory that one of the effects of a decline in the aggregate demand is a decrease in the price level.  And that prices are determined by the relationship between demand and supply.  Although, when we demonstrate some practical examples for many developing countries, in particular Latin American countries with historically high rates of inflation, we may find that the juxtaposition of demand and supply curves inadequate in explaining price formation for those countries.  For instance, in Brazil during the recession of 1981-1983, the GDP per capita fell by 1.5 percent in 1982, and 4.9 percent in 1983.  In the recovery year of 1984, the per capita GDP was still below its 1981-1982 level, as shown in table 19-1:

 

                                                      Real GDP per capita, and Index

                                                      of Inflation in Brazil, 1981-1984

            _________________________________________________________________

                     Years                     Dollar GDP Per Capita          Index Of Inflation

                                                           (1980 Prices)                        (CPI)

            _________________________________________________________________

                      1981                                   1,908                                 100

                      1982                                   1,879                              101.2

                      1983                                   1,787                              176.8

                      1984                                   1,844                              207.5

            _________________________________________________________________

Source: Baer, W., 1989, The Brazilian Economy (Praeger, New York).

Table 19-1

            The expected result would then be a fall in the inflation rate due to a decline in the aggregate demand.  But in fact, the inflation rate, as measured by the CPI, rose 1.2 percent in 1982, about 75 percent in 1983, and more than 17 percent in 1984.  So, is the neoclassical supply and demand mechanism of price formation inappropriate in explaining this real world example?  Because the neoclassical analysis presupposes the formation of prices through the market mechanism, this answer shall be in the positive.  Unlike competitive systems, Brazil and other developing countries have "imperfect" market systems that hinder the full operation of the market mechanism.  The market in this case is replaced by large firms with monopolistic or oligopolistic powers.  Quite apart from the world based on demand and supply, firms in these systems (both private and public) have the ability to exercise markup pricing over normal costs of production, therefore determining prices, which seem insensitive from variations in the aggregate demand.  According to our example, the recession of 1981-1983 decreased the overall sales, pressuring firms to increase their markup in order to maintain their profit margin, consequently increasing prices.  An alternative interpretation of the above price-cost relationship may be denoted as a structuralist price equation, such as: P = ac, where P is equal to price, a is the markup over cost, and c is the normal production costs.