Conceptual reference points, anaphora and conversational structure in Russian

Research into the distribution of full NPs versus anaphora in English has come to the conclusion that a pronoun is used if the referent is in consciousness (Chafe 1976, 1994; Dillon 1981) or high in topicality (Givón 1983). Similar claims for Russian are found in Kibrik (1996, 1997). Kibrik (1996) provides what he considers to be a first approximation at a model which can explain the activation processes involved in the distribution of anaphora in a short story by adding numerical values assigned to such factors as distance to the antecedent, the syntacticand semantic roles of the antecedent, animacy, and soon, based on the close analysis of a single short story.

The present study expands our understanding of activation processes in an examination of spontaneous speech based on the reference point model (van Hoek 1995). In Russian conversation, the distribution of anaphora depends not only upon the activation status of the referent, but upon the interlocutor's evaluation as to whether the referent is in the interlocutor's consciousness. In addition, distribution is dependent upon discourse structure. For example, Fox (1987) has shown differences in the use of English anaphora in written language and conversation. Specifically, Fox argues that in non-story conversation, after the first mention of a referent (where a full NP is used), the use of a pronoun shows that the speaker "displays an understanding that the sequence has not been closed down" (1987: 139). The situation in Russian is further complicated by the fact that the language offers a range of morphosyntactic possibilities in encoding activation states: full NP, personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns and zero anaphora. In the present paper it is argued that this distribution can best be described in terms of a reference point model. This model, developed with the framework of cognitive grammar, has been shown to have an advantage in explaining for English nominal coreference, in that it is able to account for distributions previously defined in terms of different sets of principles: syntactic constraints versus discourse-level structural constraints (see van Hoek 1995). van Hoek applies the model primarily at the sentential level, and only briefly touches on its applicability to cross-sentential patterns, which are explored more fully here. In Russian conversation, saliency and the marking of referents needs to be defined both in terms topicality, as measured in terms of an adaptation of Givón's (1983) measures of topic significance, and in terms of word order and intonation (Yokoyama 1986); and in terms of turn-taking structure. These constraints are presented within in a unified account in terms of conceptual reference points and connectivity.

The study is based on two sets of data: a corpus of tape-recorded spontaneous conversation, and a corpus of elicited narratives, controlled for semantic content as developed by Bambeg (1987).

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