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Historically,
North Carolina has been one of the most ethnically and religiously homogenous
states in the nation. The Tar Heel State included European Americans, African
Americans, and American Indians, but witnessed little of the European and
Asian immigration that affected other states between 1840 and 1920. Catholics,
Eastern Orthodox, and Jews were few, and adherents of other faiths were
even less numerous. The overwhelming majority of North Carolinians--Black,
Native American, and White--affiliated with one or another form of Protestantism.
In 1960, observers could find diverse Protestant denominations--from the
predominant Baptists and Methodists to Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Quakers,
Pentecostals, and Moravians. But diversity didn't extend much further.
Before
the 1960s, North Carolina's cradle and convert Buddhists were few, and
those who tried to practice the faith didn't have temples where they might
congregate with others. In the middle of the twentieth century some European-American
and African-American Buddhist sympathizers and converts pondered newly
translated sacred texts from Asia, and some even tried practicing meditation
without the aid of Buddhist teachers or institutions. The Beat writer and
Buddhist sympathizer Jack Kerouac, who penned part of his famous novel
Dharma Bums in North Carolina, described his informal meditation
practice during one of his many trips to the state, where he visited his
mother in a small frame house five miles south of Rocky Mount. "There are
piney woods across the cotton field," Kerouac wrote in a 1956 letter, "where
I went every day this spring and sometimes in the middle of the night,
without lamp, to meditate on a bed of grass . . ." We don't have any surviving
evidence that Asian-American Buddhists during the period--and in 1960 that
meant a proportion of the 2,863 foreign-born Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese--meditated
beneath Carolina pines on a bed of grass, but we can only assume that some
who had been raised as Buddhists chanted alone or with their families at
bedroom shrines or living room altars.
Starting in 1965, however,
a number of cultural factors--including the rise in interregional and transnational
migration, the relative decline of the liberal mainline Protestant denominations,
and the counter-culture's surging interest in Asian religions--began to
transform North Carolina's religious landscape. That transformation accelerated
by the late 1970s, when the state's first convert Buddhist centers opened.
Between 1977 and 1983 six organizations that attracted small numbers of
European-American and African-American converts were founded.
Asian-American Buddhists
also grew more numerous and more visible. The 1965 Immigration Act, which
did away with the unfair national quota system and permitted more Asians
to enter the country, allowed some voluntary migrants to find their way
to North Carolina, including immigrants from South and East Asian nations
with a Buddhist presence--Thailand, China, Korea,
and Japan. And refugees, especially
those who were forced to flee from Southeast Asian nations, began to arrive
in the state after the fall of Saigon in 1975. Those Vietnamese refugees
were joined in the 1980s and 1990s by other displaced peoples from Laos
and Cambodia. For example, many of the Khmer-speaking Cambodian refugees
that Somsak nurtures now in Greensboro
were among the 440 who arrived in 1983 and 1984, when the U.S. Office of
Refugee Resettlement chose that city and Charlotte as sites to establish
new Cambodian communities. Migration from Asia continued in the 1990s,
as North Carolina's Asian population rose 73 percent between 1990 and 1997,
when the U.S. Census estimated that there were 92,036 Americans of Asian
descent in the state. As those Cambodian refugees in Greensboro did,
many of the new Asian American communities decided to build Buddhist temples,
which have functioned as both spiritual and cultural centers for the migrants
and their children. Between 1984 and 1990 seven Asian American Buddhist
organizations formed, and each group either constructed a new place for
worship or renovated an existing building.
Those new temples, as well
as the centers that converts have founded, dot the landscape all across the
state, although the undergraduate students who researched thirty-three of North
Carolina's Buddhist communities found that there were some discernible--and
somewhat expected--spatial patterns. Geographers divide the state into four
regions: the Mountains, the Piedmont, the Inner Coastal Plain, and the
Tidewater. Population growth over the past six decades has been greatest in the
Piedmont, the central region that includes three major urban areas. So it's not
surprising that the Piedmont is home to the largest concentration of the state's
Buddhist communities.. It's also not surprising that the three metropolitan
areas with the largest populations each have several Buddhist temples: The Triad
(Greensboro/Winston-Salem/High Point), Metropolitan Charlotte
(Charlotte/Gastonia/Rock), and the Triangle (Raleigh/Durham/Chapel Hill).
But the geographical distribution of the state's Buddhist temples and centers is
more complicated than that. They are not all confined to the Piedmont. There is
now a Tibetan Buddhist convert center, Greenville Karma Thegsum Choling, a short
drive southeast of the "piney woods" where Kerouac meditated in the Coastal
Plain. The Tidewater region claims a handful of Buddhist communities, and
several more groups take advantage of the wooded splendor of the state's western
mountains. Nor are Buddhist temples all in urban areas. Half of North Carolina's
population is rural. In fact, only five states have smaller urban populations.
It's not surprising, then, that some of the state's Buddhists established places
of worship outside cities--in rural areas, suburban centers, and small towns. So
you can find temples and centers not only in metropolitan areas with more than a
million residents (such as Charlotte, Raleigh, and Greensboro), but also in
towns with only a few hundred. In Cameron, a small community northwest of
Fayetteville in the rolling hills of the Carolina and Georgia Sand Hills, Thai
Buddhist immigrants have established a temporary temple, Wat Mungme Srisuk. That
Buddhist community, which congregates on Sundays in a trailer that rests at the
end of a winding country road, expects to construct a permanent building soon.
And as that newest Buddhist worship site is in a small town, so was the state's
first Asian-American temple, Wat Carolina Buddhajakra Vanaram, which rests on
twenty-three acres in Bolivia, North Carolina. That Tidewater town, which was
named for the South American nation, is less exotic than its name suggests. Most
of the several hundred residents are European American or African American
Protestants, many of whom gather for worship at Antioch Baptist Church, which is
adjacent to Wat Carolina. And even if Buddhists don't predominate in that small
Southern town, or in suburbs such as Cary and cities like Charlotte, Buddhism
has found its place in North Carolina's landscape.
As the brief profiles of temples and centers included in this study show, the
spiritual landscape has been changing during the past three decades. And we hope
that this project provides an angle of vision on that changing terrain for
students and teachers, legislators and policy makers, ministers and caseworkers,
and for all citizens who want to know more about their new neighbors. Yet
because the spiritual landscape is changing so quickly, some of the information
gathered here will soon be outdated as new Buddhist communities form and
existing communities shift locations, fade away, or change names. We can only
hope that this snapshot of North Carolina's Buddhist communities will be helpful
to those who pick up where we have left off, those who take up the challenge of
mapping the state's increasing religious diversity.
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