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Yuko Ogasawara. Office Ladies and Salaried Men: Power, Gender and Work in Japanese Companies. UC Press, 1998. 

Discussion questions for first half of the book.
 

INTRODUCTION

1.  Ogasawara finds it difficult to speak of the status of Japanese women to friends in the U.S.  What explains the predicament that she finds herself in?
 

2.  "Women grant their husbands authority, prestige, and respect in exchange for power, thus perpetuating the "myth" of male dominance." (p. 7)
How does this quote explain power relations in many Japanese families?
What does Ogasawara see as the difficulty in studying this situation?
 

3.  What is going to be the key argument of this book?



Chapter One:  THE JAPANESE LABOR MARKET AND OFFICE LADIES

1.  How would you characterize three different corporate job tracks--Who gets this kind of job?  What chances for promotion does each have?

    Integrated track                                       Clerical track                                         Miscellaneous
 

2.  Ogasawara describes the typical OL's work--her complaints with it, the substance of the work, the duties and attitudes that reinforce her status as a subordinate.  Summarize these here by imagining a day in the life of one OL.



Chapter Two:  WHY OFFICE LADIES DO NOT ORGANIZE

1.  Ogasawara points to division within the OL ranks as one reason why women do not organize.  What causes these divisions?  Do you see such divisions as benefitting the company or not?
 

2.  In what ways do attitudes toward older OL, and toward marriage and motherhood as ultimate destinations in a woman's lifecourse contribute to the early retirement of OLs?  How does such retirement benefit the company?

3.  Given the constraints described by Ogasawara, could you imagine OLs organizing in some form?



Chapter Three:  Gossip

1.  What are the OL criteria for evaluating the men for whom they work?
 

2.  How can their gossip about a man affect his career?
 

3.  Gossip among secretaries in the U.S. can also be a source of power, but one wielded differently than in the case of the OL. What explains this difference?

4.  How does Ogasawara argue for viewing the gossip among OLs as a subversive act of resistance?  What is accomplished through this kind of resistance?  Who stands to get hurt, get helped?