if you would like to see the abstract or introduction of the
paper. Journal Articles and Book Chapters: ask for these by their number .
For a biographical sketch of me and my work, please click here Chapter written by Hands Landstrom for his book, Pioneers of Entrepreneurship Research.
The following publications are available via regular mail by emailing me. Please include your mailing address when requesting a publication: Howard_Aldrich@UNC.EDU
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if you would like to see the abstract or introduction of the
paper.
1. Howard E. Aldrich. 1969. "Error in the
Definition of Central Place Function: Comments on an Article by Mark
and Schwirian." American Journal of Sociology, 74, (March): 534-536.
2. Howard E. Aldrich and Albert J. Reiss,
Jr. 1969. "A 1968 Follow-up Study of Crime and Insurance Problems of
Businesses Surveyed in 1966 in Three Cities. " Pp. 144-176
in Crime Against Small Business, Washington, DC: USGPO.
3. Howard E. Aldrich and Albert J. Reiss,
Jr. 1970. "The Effect of Civil Disorders on Small Business in the Inner
City." Journal of Social Issues, 2 6, (Winter):
187-206.
4. Howard E. Aldrich and Albert J. Reiss,
Jr. 1971. "Police Officers as Boundary Personnel." Pp. 193-208 in Harlan
Hahn (ed.), The Police in Urban Socie ty. Beverly
Hills, CA: Sage Publications.
5. Howard E. Aldrich. 1972. "Organizational
Boundaries and Inter-Organizational Conflict." Human Relations,
24, 4 (August): 279-293.
Reprinted in Frank Baker (ed.). 1973. Organizational Systems: General Systems Approaches to Complex Organizations, pp. 379-393. Homewood, IL: Irwin.
6. Albert J. Reiss, Jr. and Howard E. Aldrich.
1971. "Absentee Ownership and Management in the Black Ghetto: Social
and Economic Consequences." Social P roblems, 18,
3 (Winter): 319-339.
Reprinted in Russell Doll (ed.). 1971. Educating the Disadvantaged: Yearbook 1970-71, pp. 538-558. New York: AMS Press.
7. Howard E. Aldrich. 1971. "The Sociable
Organization: A Case Study of Mensa and Some Propositions." Sociology
and Social Research, 55, 4 (July): 4 29-444.
8. Howard E. Aldrich. 1972. "Technology and
Organization Structure: A Re-examination of the Findings of the Aston
Group." Administrative Science Quarter ly, 17,
(March): 26-43.
9. Howard E. Aldrich. 1972. "Sociability in
Mensa: Characteristics of Interaction Among Strangers." Urban Life
and Culture, 1, (July): 167-186.
10. Richard Berk and Howard E. Aldrich. 1972.
"Patterns of Vandalism During Civil Disorders as an Indication of Target
Selection." American Sociologica l Review, 37,
(October): 533-547.
11. Howard E. Aldrich. 1972. "An Organization-Environment
Perspective on Cooperation and Conflict Between Organizations in the
Manpower Training System." Pp. 11-37 in A.R. Negandhi
(ed.), Conflict and Power in Complex Organizations: An Inter-Institutional
Perspective. Kent, OH: Kent State University Center for Business
and Economic Research.
12. Howard E. Aldrich. 1973. "Employment Opportunities
for Blacks in the Black Ghetto: The Role of White-owned Businesses."
American Journal of Sociolo gy, 78, 6 (May): 1403-1425.
13. Howard E. Aldrich. 1974. Review of Bloom,
Fletcher, and Perry, "Negro Employment in Retail Trade," Monthly
Labor Review 97 (July): 75-76.
14. Howard E. Aldrich. 1974. "Housing Market
Discrimination and Black Housing Consumption." Pp. 185-188 in von Furstenberg,
Harrison, and Horowitz (eds.), Patterns of Racial Discrimination,
Vol. 1: Housing. Lexington, MA.: DC Heath.
15. Howard E. Aldrich. 1974. Review of Frederick
Thayer, "An End to Competition!" American Journal of Sociology,
80, 3 (November): 781-785.
16. Howard E. Aldrich. 1975. "Ecological Succession
in Racially Changing Neighborhoods: A Review of the Literature." Urban
Affairs Quarterly, 10, ( March): 327-348.
17. Sergio Mindlin and Howard E. Aldrich.
1975. "Interorganizational Dependence: A Review of the Concept and
a Re-examination of the Findings of the Aston Group."
Administrative Science Quarterly, 20 (September): 382-392.
18. Lex Donaldson, John Child, and Howard
E. Aldrich. 1975. "The Aston Group Findings on Centralization: Further
Discussion." Administrative Science Qu arterly, 20
(September): 453-460.
19. Howard E. Aldrich and Albert J. Reiss,
Jr. 1976. "Continuities in the Study of Ecological Succession: Changes
in the Race Composition of Neighborhoods and Their Businesses."
American Journal of Sociology, 81, 4 (January): 846-866.
20. Howard E. Aldrich. 1976. "Resource Dependence
and Interorganizational Relations: Relations Between Local Employment
Service Offices and Social Service s Sector Organizations."
Administration and Society, 7 (February): 419-454.
21. Howard E. Aldrich and Jeffrey Pfeffer.
1976. "Environments of Organizations." Pp. 79-105 in A. Inkeles (ed.),
Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. II. Palo Alto:
Annual Review, Inc.
22. Howard E. Aldrich. 1976. "An Interorganizational
Dependency Perspective on Relations Between the Employment Service and
Its Organization Set." Pp. 23- 266 in R. Killman et al.
(eds.), The Management of Organization Design. Amsterdam: Elsevier.
23. Howard E. Aldrich and Sergio Mindlin.
1977. "Uncertainty and Dependence: Two Perspectives on Environment."
Pp. 149-170 in L. Karpik (ed.), Organiza tion and Environment.
London: Sage Publications.
24. Howard E. Aldrich. 1977. "Visionaries
and Villians: The Politics of Designing Interorganizational Relations."
Organization and Administrative Scien ces, 8 (Spring):
23-40.
25. Howard E. Aldrich and David Whetten. 1981.
"Organization-Sets, Action-Sets, and Networks: Making the Most of Simplicity."
Pp. 385-408 in P. Nystrom an d W. Starbuck (eds.), Handbook
of Organizational Design. New York: Oxford University Press.
26. Howard E. Aldrich and Diane Herker. 1977.
"Boundary Spanning Roles and Organizational Structure." Academy
of Management Review, 2 (April): 217- 230.
27. Jane Weiss and Howard E. Aldrich. 1977.
"The Supranational Organization of Production." Current Anthropology
(December): 630-631.
28. Howard E. Aldrich. 1978. "Centralization
Versus Decentralization in the Design of Human Service Delivery Systems:
A Response to Gouldner's Lament." Pp . 51-79 in Rosemary
Sarri and Yeheskel Hasenfeld (eds.), Issues in Service Delivery in
Human Service Organizations. New York: Columbia University Press.
29. David Whetten and Howard E. Aldrich. 1979.
"Organization Set Size and Diversity: Links Between People Processing
Organizations and Their Environments. " Administration
and Society, 11, 3 (November): 251-282.
30. Howard E. Aldrich. 1979. "Asian Shopkeepers
as a Middleman Minority: A Study of Small Businesses in Wandsworth."
Pp. 389-407 in David Eversley and Ala n Evans (eds.), Inner
City Employment. London: Heinemann.
31. Lena Kolarska and Howard E. Aldrich. 1980.
"Exit, Voice, and Silence: Consumers' and Managers' Responses to Organizational
Decline." Organization S tudies, 1, 1 :41-58.
32. Howard E. Aldrich and Clare P. Sproule.
1983. "The Impact of Corporate Mergers on Industrial and Labor Relations."
Pp. 293-308 in Walter Goldberg (ed. ), Mergers: Motives,
Modes, Methods. London: Gower.
33. Howard E. Aldrich and Susan Mueller. 1981.
"The Evolution of Organizational Forms: Technology, Coordination, and
Control." Pp. 33-87 in Barry Staw and L. L. Cummings (eds.),
Research in Organizational Behavior, Vol. IV. JAI Press.
34. Howard E. Aldrich and Jane Weiss. 1981.
"Differentiation Within the U.S. Capitalist Class: Workforce Size and
Income Differences." American Sociolo gical Review,
46, 3 (June): 279-289.
35. Howard E. Aldrich, John Cater, Trevor
Jones, and Dave McEvoy. 1983. "From Periphery to Peripheral: The South
Asian Petite Bourgeoisie in England." Pp. 1-32 in Ida Harper
Simpson and Richard Simpson (eds.), Research in the Sociology of Work,
Vol. 2. JAI Press.
36. Robert N. Stern and Howard E. Aldrich.
1980. "The Effect of Absentee Firm Control on Local Community Welfare:
A Survey." Pp. 162-181 in John J. Siegfr ied (ed.), The
Economics of Firm Size, Market Structure, and Social Performance
(July). Washington, DC: USGPO.
37. Howard E. Aldrich, John Cater, Trevor
Jones, and Dave McEvoy. 1981. "Business Development and Self-Segregation:
Asian Enterprise in Three British Citi es." Pp. 170-190
in Ceri Peach, Vaughan Robinson, and Susan Smith (eds.), Ethnic Segregation
in Cities. London: Croom Helm Ltd.
38. Howard E. Aldrich. 1982. "The Origins
and Persistence of Social Networks." Pp. 281-293 in Nan Lin and Peter
Marsden (eds.), Social Structure and Ne twork Analysis.
Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.
39. Howard E. Aldrich, Trevor P. Jones, and
Dave McEvoy. 1984. "Ethnic Advantage and Minority Business Development."
Pp. 189-210 in R. Ward and R. Jenkins (eds.), Ethnic
Communities in Business: Strategies for Economic Survival. Cambridge
University Press.
40. Ellen Auster and Howard E. Aldrich. 1984.
"Small Business Vulnerability, Ethnic Enclaves, and Ethnic Enterprisee."
Pp. 39-54 in Robin Ward and R. Jenk ins (eds.), Ethnic
Communities in Business: Strategies for Economic Survival. Cambridge
University Press.
41. Bill McKelvey and Howard E. Aldrich.
1983. "Populations, Natural Selection, and Applied Organizational Science."
Administrative Science Quarterly, 28, 1 (March): 101-128.
42. Howard E. Aldrich and Robert Stern. 1983.
"Resource Mobilization and the Creation of U.S. Producers' Cooperatives,
1835-1935." Economic and Industr ial Democracy,
4, 3 (August): 371-406.
43. Lance Kurke and Howard E. Aldrich. 1983.
"Mintzberg Was Right!: A Replication and Extension of the Nature of Managerial
Work." Management Science , 29, 8 (August): 975-984.
44. Udo Staber and Howard E. Aldrich. 1983.
"Trade Association Stability and Public Policy." Pp. 163-178 in R. Hall
and R. Quinn (eds.), Organization T heory and Public
Policy. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.
45. Howard E. Aldrich and Bill McKelvey. 1983.
"The Population Perspective and the Organizational Form Concept." Economia
Aziendale, II, 1 (April): 63-86.
46. Howard E. Aldrich, Bill McKelvey, and
Dave Ulrich. 1984. "Design Strategy from the Population Perspective."
Journal of Management, 10, 1 (Sprin g): 67-86.
47. Howard E. Aldrich, John Cater, Trevor
Jones, David McEvoy, and Paul Velleman. 1985. "Ethnic Residential Concentration
and the Protected Market Hypothe sis." Social Forces,
63, 4 (June): 996-1009.
48. Howard E. Aldrich. 1986. "Ecological Theory:
A Critique of Hannan and Freeman." Pp. 173-175 in Siegwart Lindenberg,
James Coleman, and Stefan Nowak (e ds.), Approaches to
Social Theory. New York: Russell Sage and Basic Books.
49. Howard E. Aldrich and Ellen Auster. 1986.
"Even Dwarfs Started Small: Liabilities of Age and Size and Their Strategic
Implications." Pp. 165-198 in Ba rry Staw and L. L. Cummings
(eds.), Research in Organizational Behavior, Vol. VIII. Greenwich,
CT: JAI Press.
50. Howard E. Aldrich and Peter Marsden. 1988.
"Environments of Organizations." Pp. 361-392 in Neil J. Smelser (ed.),
Handbook of Sociology. Sage P ublications.
51. Roger Waldinger, Howard E. Aldrich, and
Robin Ward. 1985. "Trend Report: Ethnic Business and Occupational Mobility
in Advanced Societies." Sociolog y, 19, 4 (November):
586-597.
52. Howard E. Aldrich and Catherine Zimmer.
1986. "Entrepreneurship Through Social Networks." Pp. 3-23 in Donald
Sexton and Raymond Smilor (eds.), The Art and Science
of Entrepreneurship. New York: Ballinger.
53. Howard E. Aldrich, Robin Ward, and Roger
Waldinger. 1985. "Minority Business Development in Industrial Society."
European Studies Newsletter, 1 4, 4 (March): 4-8.
54. Howard E. Aldrich, John Cater, Trevor
Jones, David McEvoy, and Paul Velleman. 1986. "Asian Residential Concentration
and Business Development." New Community, XIII,
1 (Spring): 52-64.
55. Howard E. Aldrich, Catherine Zimmer, and
Trevor Jones. 1986. "Small Business Still Speaks with the Same Voice:
A Replication of 'The Voice of Small Bu siness and the Politics
of Survival.'" Sociological Review, 34 (May): 335-356.
56. Udo Staber and Howard E. Aldrich. 1987.
"A Population Perspective on Underemployment in Alternative Organizations."
International Journal of Sociol ogy and Social Policy,
7, 4: 43-53.
57. David McEvoy and Howard E. Aldrich. 1986.
"Survival Rates of Asian and White Retailers." International Small
Business Journal, 4 (Spring): 28-3 7.
58. Howard E. Aldrich and Udo Staber. 1988.
"Organizing Business Interests: Patterns of Trade Association Foundings,
Transformations, and Deaths." Pp. 111 -126 in Glenn Carroll
(ed.), Ecological Analysis of Organizations. New York: Ballinger.
59. Howard E. Aldrich. 1988. "Paradigm Wars:
Donaldson Versus the Critics of Organization Theory." Organization
Studies, 9, 1 (January): 19-25.
60. Catherine Zimmer and Howard E. Aldrich.
1987. "Resource Mobilization Through Ethnic Networks: Kinship and Friendship
Ties of Shopkeepers in England." Sociological Perspectives,
30, 4 (October): 422-455.
61. Howard E. Aldrich. 1988. "New Paradigms
for Old: The Population Perspective's Contribution to Health Services
Research." Medical Care Review, 4 4, 2 (Fall): 257-277.
62. Howard E. Aldrich, Catherine Zimmer, and
David McEvoy. 1989. "Continuities in the Study of Ecological Succession:
Asian Businesses in Three English Ci ties." Social Forces,
67, 4 (June): 920-944.
63. Howard E. Aldrich, Ben Rosen, and Bill
Woodward. 1987. "The Impact of Social Networks on Business Foundings
and Profit: A Longitudinal Study." Pp. 154 -168 in Neil Churchill
et al. (eds.), Frontiers of Entrepreneurship Research 1987.
Wellesley, MA: Center for Entrepreneurial Studies, Babson College.
64. Udo Staber and Howard E. Aldrich. 1987.
"An Evolutionary View on Changes in Employment Relationships: The Evolution
of Organizational Control in the U nited States." Pp.
46-58 in Guenter Dlugos, Wolfgang Dorow, and Klaus Weiermair (eds.),
in collaboration with Frank Danesy, Management Under Differing Labour
Market and Employment Systems. Berlin and New York: Walter De Gruyter.
65. Udo Staber and Howard E. Aldrich. 1989.
"An Ecological Critique of the Human Resource Strategy Literature."
Industrial Relations Journal, 20, 2 (Summer): 110-118.
66. Howard E. Aldrich, Arne Kalleberg, Peter
Marsden, and James Cassell. 1989. "In Pursuit of Evidence: Five Sampling
Procedures for Locating New Business es." Journal of
Business Venturing, 4, 6 (November): 367-386.
67. Howard E. Aldrich. 1989. "Networking Among
Women Entrepreneurs." Pp. 103-132 in Oliver Hagan, Carol Rivchun, and
Donald Sexton (eds.), Women Owned Businesses. New
York: Praeger.
68. Howard E. Aldrich and Udo Staber. 1989. "Le relazioni industriali che cambiano." Sviluppo and Organizzazione, N. 111 (Gennaio-Febbraio): 45-58.
69. Howard E. Aldrich, Udo Staber, John J.
Beggs, and Catherine Zimmer. 1990. "Minimalism and Organizational Mortality:
Patterns of Disbandings Among Amer ican Trade Associations
in the 20th Century." Pp. 21-52 in Jitendra V. Singh (ed.), Organizational
Evolution, Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
70. Howard E. Aldrich and Roger Waldinger.
1990. "Ethnicity and Entrepreneurship." Annual Review of Sociology,
16: 111-135. Palo Alto, CA: Annual R eviews, Inc.
71. Howard E. Aldrich, Pat Ray Reese, and
Paola Dubini. 1989. "Women on the Verge of a Breakthrough?: Networking
Among Entrepreneurs in the United States and Italy."
Journal of Entrepreneurship and Regional Development, 1, 4:
339-356.
72. Howard E. Aldrich. 1990. "Using an Ecological
Perspective to Study Organizational Founding Rates." Entrepreneurship:
Theory and Practice, 14, 3 (Spring): 7-24.
73. Howard E. Aldrich and Paola Dubini. 1989. "Le Reti E I Processi Di Sviluppo Delle Imprese." Economia e politica industriale, No. 64: 363-375.
74. Arne L. Kalleberg, Peter V. Marsden, Howard
E. Aldrich, and James W. Cassell. 1990. "Comparing Organizational Sampling
Frames." Administrative Scie nce Quarterly, 35, 4:
658-688.
75. Howard E. Aldrich. 1992. "Paradigm Incommensurability:
Three Perspectives on Organizations." Pp. 17-45 in Michael I. Reed
and Michael D. Hughes (eds.) , Rethinking Organization:
New Directions in Organizational Theory and Analysis. Newbury Park,
CA: Sage
76. Howard E. Aldrich and Peter V. Marsden.
1992. "Complex Organizations." In Edgar F. Borgatta and Marie L. Borgotta
(eds.), The Encyclopedia of Socio logy. New York:
Macmillan.
77. Howard E. Aldrich, Pat Ray Reese, and
Paola Dubini. 1991. "The Go-Between: Brokers' Roles in Entrepreneurial
Networks." Pp. 554-555 in Neil Churchill et al.
(eds.), Frontiers of Entrepreneurship Research 1990. Wellesley,
MA: Center for Entrepreneurial Studies, Babson College.
78. Howard E. Aldrich and Mary Ann von Glinow.
1992. "Personal Networks and Infrastructural Development." Pp. 125-145
in David V. Gibson, George Kozmetsky , and Raymond Smilor
(eds.), The Technopolis Phenomenon: Smart Cities, Fast Systems, Global
Networks. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
79. Howard E. Aldrich and Gabriele Wiedenmayer.
1993. "From Traits to Rates: An Ecological Perspective on Organizational
Foundings." Pp. 145-195 in Jerome Katz and Robert Brockhaus
(eds.), Advances in Entrepreneurship, Firm Emergence, and Growth,
I. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.
80. Howard E. Aldrich. Forthcoming. "Population Ecology and Firm Structure." In Frederico Butera and Gianfranco Dioguardi (eds.), The Network Enterprise. Rome: Franco Angeli.
81. Paola Dubini and Howard E. Aldrich. 1991.
"Personal and Extend Networks Are Central to the Entrepreneurial Process."
Journal of Business Venturing, 6: 305-313.
82. Howard E. Aldrich. 1992. "Methods in Our
Madness? Trends in Entrepreneurship Research." Pp.191-213 in Donald L.
Sexton and John D. Kasarda (eds.), The State of the Art
of Entrepreneurship. Boston: PWS-Kent Publishing.
83. Howard E. Aldrich and Mary Ann Von Glinow.
1992. "Business Start-Ups: The HRM Imperative." Pp. 233-253 in Sue Birley
and Ian C. MacMillan (eds.), I nternational Perspectives
on Entrepreneurship Research. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: North-Holland
(Elsevier).
84. Howard E. Aldrich, Catherine R. Zimmer,
Udo H. Staber, and John J. Beggs. 1994. "Minimalism, Mutualism, and
Maturity: The Evolution of the American Trade Association Population in
the 20th Century." Pp. 223-239 in Joel Baum and Jitendra Singh (eds.),
Evolutionary Dynamics of Organizations. New York: Oxford. University
Press.
85. Howard E. Aldrich and Toshihiro Sasaki.
1995. "R&D Consortia in the United States and Japan." Research
Policy, 24, 2 (March): 301-316.
86. Howard E. Aldrich. 1996. "Entrepreneurial
Strategies in New Organizational Populations." In Ivan Bull, Howard
Thomas, and G. Willard (eds.), Entrep reneurship: Perspectives
on Theory. Pergamon Press.
87. Howard E. Aldrich and Toshihiro Sasaki.
1995. "Governance Structure and Technology Transfer Management in R&D
Consortia in the United States and J apan." Pp. 70-92
in Jeffrey Liker, John E. Ettlie, and John C. Campbell (eds.), Engineered
in Japan: Japanese Technology-Management Practices. New York: Oxford
University Press.
88. Howard E. Aldrich and Pat Ray Reese. 1994.
"Does Networking Pay Off? A Panel Study of Entrepreneurs in the Research
Triangle." Pp. 325-339 in Front iers of Entrepreneurship
Research 1993. Wellesley, MA: Center for Entrepreneurial Studies,
Babson College.
89. Howard E. Aldrich and C. Marlene Fiol.
1994. "Fools Rush In? The Institutional Context of Industry Creation."
Academy of Management Review, 19, 4: 645-670.
90. Howard E. Aldrich, Sally W. Fowler, Nina
Liou, and Sara J. Marsh. 1994. "Other People's Concepts: Why and How
We Sustain Historical Continuity in Our Field." Organization,
1, 1: 65-80. London: Sage.
91. Pat Ray Reese and Howard E. Aldrich. 1995.
"Entrepreneurial Networks and Business Performance: A Panel Study of
Small and Medium-Sized Firms in the Research Triangle." Pp. 124-144 in
Sue Birley and Ian C. MacMillan (eds.), International Entrepreneurship.
London: Routledge.
92. Gabriele Wiedenmayer, Howard E. Aldrich, and Udo H. Staber. 1995. "Von Gründerpersonen zu Gründungstraten: Organisationsgründungen aus Populationsökologischer Sicht." Die Betriebswirtschaft, 55, 2 (April): 221-236.
94. Ted Baker and Howard E. Aldrich. 1994.
"Friends and Strangers: Early Hiring Practices and Idiosyncratic Jobs."
Pp. 75-87 in William Bygrave et al., (e ds.), Frontiers
of Entrepreneurship Research 1994. Wellesley, MA: Center for Entrepreneurial
Studies, Babson College.
95. Howard E. Aldrich and Tomoaki Sakano.
1998. "Unbroken Ties: How the Personal Networks of Japanese Business
Owners Compare to Those in Other Nations." In Mark Fruin, editor, Networks,
Markets, and the Pacific Rim: Studies in Strategy. New York: Oxford
Press.
96. Howard E. Aldrich and Tomoaki Sakano.
1995. "Is Japan Different? The Personal Networks of Japanese Business
Owners Compared to Those in Four Other I ndustrialized
Nations." KSU Economic and Business Review, 22 (May): 1-28. Kyoto
Sangyo University.
97. Howard E. Aldrich. 1997. "My Career as
a Teacher: Promise, Fall, Redemption." Pp 14-26 in Rae Andre and Peter
Frost (eds.), Researchers Hooked on Teaching: Noted Scholars Discuss
the Synergies of Teaching and Research.. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Download the
chapter as a PDF file
98. Ted Baker and Howard E. Aldrich. 1996.
"Prometheus Stretches: Identity, Knowledge Cumulation, and Multi-Employer
Careers." Pp. 132-149 in Michael Arth ur and Denise Rousseau (eds.),
The Boundaryless Career: A New Employment Principle for a New
Organizational Era. New York: Oxford University Press.
99. Udo Staber and Howard E. Aldrich. 1995.
"Cross-national Similarities in the Personal Networks of Small Business
Owners: A Comparison of Two Regions in North America."
Canadian Journal of Sociology, 20 (4): 441-467.
100. Howard E. Aldrich, Amanda Brickman Elam,
and Pat Ray Reese. 1996. "Strong Ties, Weak Ties, and Strangers: Do
Women Business Owners Differ from Men i n Their Use of Networking
to Obtain Assistance?" Pp. 1-25 in Sue Birley and Ian MacMillan, editors,
Entrepreneurship in a Global Contest. London: Routledge Ltd.
101. Howard E. Aldrich and Ted Baker. 1997.
"Blinded by the Cites? Has There Been Progess in Entrepreneurship Research?
Pp. 377-400 in Donald L. Sexton a nd Ray W. Smilor (eds.),Entrepreneurship:
2000. Chicago, IL: Upstart Publishing Co.
102. Howard E. Aldrich and Amanda Brickman
Elam. 1997. "A Guide to Surfing the Social Networks." Pp. 143-148 in
Sue Birley and Dan Muzyka, editors, Mastering Enterprise. London:
Pitman.
103. Howard E. Aldrich, Ted Baker, Michele
Kremen Bolton, and Toshihiro Sasaki. 1998. "Relational Contracting in
U.S. and Japanese R&D Consortia: Tec hnological, Organizational
and National Influences." IEEE Transactions on Engineering Management.
104. Ted Baker, Howard E. Aldrich, and Nina
Liou. 1997. "Invisible Entrepreneurs : The Neglect of Women Business
Owners by Mass Media and Scholarly Journ als in the United
States." Entrepreneurship and Regional Development, 9: 221-238.
105. Howard Aldrich, Linda Renzulli, and Nancy
Langton. 1998. "Passing on Privilege: resources provided by self-employed
parents to their self-employed c hildren." In Kevin Leicht,
editor, Research in Social Stratification and Mobility. Greenwich,
CT: JAI.
106. Courtney Shelton Hunt and Howard Aldrich.
1998. "The Second Ecology: The Creation and Evolution of Organizational
Communities as Exemplified by the Commercialization of
the World Wide Web." Pp. 267-302 in Barry Staw and L.L. Cummings, editors,
Research in Organizational Behavior, Vol. 20. Greenwich, CT: JAI
Press.
107. Howard Aldrich and Sølvi Lillejord. 1999.
"Stop Making Sense! Why Aren't Universities Better At Promoting Innovative
Teaching?" Pp. 301-308 in Bernice A. Pescosolido
and Ron Aminzade (eds.), The Social Worlds of Higher Education.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.
108. Howard E. Aldrich. 2001. "Asleep on
the Job. Who's to Blame?" National Teaching & Learning Forum.
Vol. 11, No. 1, p. 11.
109. Annetta Fortune and Howard E. Aldrich.
2002. “ Acquiring Competence at a Distance: Application Service Providers
as a Hybrid Organizational Form.” The Journal of International Entrepreneurship,
1, 1: 105-121.
110. Linda Renzulli, Howard E. Aldrich,
and Jeremy Reynolds. 2003. "It's Up in the Air, or is It?" Teaching
Sociology. 31, 1 (January): 49-59.
111.Stephen Lippmann and Howard E. Aldrich..
2003. "The Rationalization of Everything? Using Ritzer's McDonaldization
Thesis to Teach Weber." Teaching Sociology, 31, 2 (April): 134-145
112. Howard E. Aldrich and Jennifer E. Cliff.
2003. "The Pervasive Effects of Family on Entrepreneurship: Toward
a Family Embeddedness Perspective." Journal of Business Venturing,
18, forthcoming.
113. Howard E. Aldrich . 2002. "Your
Paper's on the Floor, Outside My Door." National Teaching & Learning
Forum, 12, 1: 10.
114. Johann Peter Murmann, Howard Aldrich,
Daniel Levinthal, and Sidney Winter. 2003. "Evolutionary Thought in Management
and Organization Theory at the Beginning of the New Millennium." Journal
of Management Inquiry, 12, 1 (March): 1-19.
115. Howard E. Aldrich. 2004. "Entrepreneurship."
Forthcoming in Richard Swedberg and Neil Smelser, editors, Handbook
of Economic Sociology. Princeton: Princeton University Press and Russell
Sage Foundation. To be published July 1st, 2004. .
116. Howard E. Aldrich. 2003. "Learning
from My Students."Contexts. .
117.Jennifer Cliff, Nancy Langton, and
Howard E. Aldrich. Forthcoming. "On Their Own Terms? Gendered Rhetoric
versus Behaviour in Small Firms."Organization Studies. .
119. Howard E. Aldrich. 2001. "Preface." In Joel A. C. Baum, editor, Companion to Organizations. Oxford: Blackwell.
120. Jerome A. Katz, Howard E. Aldrich, Theresa M. Welbourne, and Pamela M. Williams. 2000. "Special Issue on Human Resource Management and the SME: Toward a New Synthesis." Entrepreneurship Theory & Practice, 25, 1 (Fall): 7-10.
121. Howard E. Aldrich and Martha A. Martinez-Martinez. Forthcoming. "Entrepreneurship as Social Construction: An Evolutionary Approach." In Zoltan Acs and David Audretsch, editors, Handbook of Entrepreneurship
122. Howard E. Aldrich. 2001. "Who Wants to Be an Evolutionary Theorist?" Journal of Management Inquiry. 10 (June): 115-127
123. Williamson, Ian O., Dan M. Cable, & Howard E. Aldrich. 2002. "Smaller but not necessarily weaker: How small businesses can overcome barriers to recruitment." Pp. 83-106 in J. Katz & T. Welbourne (Eds), Research in Entrepreneurship and Firm Growth: Managing People in Entrepreneurial Organizations. Volume 5. Elsevier Science Ltd.
124. Howard E. Aldrich. 2001. "Asleep on the Job. Who's to Blame?" National Teaching & Learning Forum. Vol. 11, No. 1, p. 11.
125. Annetta Fortune and Howard E. Aldrich. 2002. "Acquiring Competence at a Distance: Application Service Providers as a Hybrid Organizational Form." The Journal of International Entrepreneurship, 1, 1: 105-121.
126. Linda Renzulli, Howard E. Aldrich, and Jeremy Reynolds. 2003. "It's Up in the Air, or is It?" Teaching Sociology. 31, 1 (January): 49-59.
127. Stephen Lippmann and Howard E. Aldrich. 2003. "The Rationalization of Everything? Using Ritzer's McDonaldization Thesis to Teach Weber." Teaching Sociology, 31, 2 (April): 134-145
128. Howard E. Aldrich and Jennifer E. Cliff. 2003. "The Pervasive Effects of Family on Entrepreneurship: Toward a Family Embeddedness Perspective." Journal of Business Venturing, 18, 5 (September): 573-596.
129. Howard E. Aldrich. 2002. "Your Paper's on the Floor, Outside My Door." National Teaching & Learning Forum, 12, 1: 10.
130. Johann Peter Murmann, Howard Aldrich, Daniel Levinthal, and Sidney Winter. 2003. "Evolutionary Thought in Management and Organization Theory at the Beginning of the New Millennium." Journal of Management Inquiry, 12, 1 (March): 22-40.
131. Howard E. Aldrich. 2004. "Entrepreneurship." Forthcoming in Richard Swedberg and Neil Smelser, editors, Handbook of Economic Sociology. Princeton: Princeton University Press and Russell Sage Foundation. To be published July 1st, 2004.
132. Howard E. Aldrich. 2003. "Learning from My Students." Contexts, 2, 3 (Summer): 71-72.
133. Jennifer Cliff, Nancy Langton, and Howard E. Aldrich. Forthcoming. "On Their Own Terms? Gendered Rhetoric versus Behaviour in Small Firms." Organization Studies.
134. Martin Ruef, Howard E. Aldrich, and Nancy Carter. 2003. "The Structure of Organizational Founding Teams: Homophily, Strong Ties, and Isolation Among U.S. Entrepreneurs." American Sociological Review, 68, 2 (April): 195-222.
135. Amy Davis and Howard E. Aldrich. 2004. "Work Participation History." Forthcoming in Wiliam B. Gartner, Kelly G. Shaver, Nancy M. Carter, and Paul D. Reynolds, editors. The Handbook of Entrepreneurial Dynamics: The Process of Organizational Creation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
136. Phillip Kim, Howard E. Aldrich, and Lisa A. Keister. 2004. "Household Income and Net Worth." Forthcoming in Wiliam B. Gartner, Kelly G. Shaver, Nancy M. Carter, and Paul D. Reynolds, editors. The Handbook of Entrepreneurial Dynamics: The Process of Organizational Creation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
137. Nancy M. Carter, Howard E. Aldrich, and Martin Ruef. 2004. "Entrepreneurial Teams." Forthcoming in Wiliam B. Gartner, Kelly G. Shaver, Nancy M. Carter, and Paul D. Reynolds, editors. The Handbook of Entrepreneurial Dynamics: The Process of Organizational Creation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
138. Howard E. Aldrich and Nancy M. Carter. 2004. "Social Networks." Forthcoming in Wiliam B. Gartner, Kelly G. Shaver, Nancy M. Carter, and Paul D. Reynolds, editors. The Handbook of Entrepreneurial Dynamics: The Process of Organizational Creation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
139. Stephen Lippmann, Amy Davis, and Howard E. Aldrich. Forthcoming. "Inequality and Entrepreneurship." In Lisa A. Keister, ed., Research in the Sociology of Work: Entrepreneurship, Vol. 14. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.
140. Linda Renzulli and Howard E. Aldrich. 2005. "Who Can You Turn To? Tie Activation within Core Business Discussion Networks." Social Forces.
141. Amy Davis, Linda Renzulli, and Howard E. Aldrich. Forthcoming."Mixing or Matching?" The Influence of Voluntary Assocations on the Occupational Diversity and Density of Small Business Owners' Networks." Work & Occupations.
142. Phillip Kim and Howard Aldrich. 2005. "Entrepreneurship and Social Capital." In Zoltan Acs and David Audretsch, editors. Foundations and Trends in Entrepreneurship. Online at Now Publishers
143. Howard E. Aldrich. 2005. "The Professionalization of Distrust: Recent Developments in the United States." Constructif, number 11, June 7th. [In French]
144. Phillip Kim, Howard E. Aldrich, and Lisa Keister. Forthcoming. "Access (Not) Denied: The Impact of Financial, Human, and Cultural Capital on Entrepreneurial Entry in the United States." Small Business Economics. Forthcoming
145. Howard E. Aldrich and Phillip Kim. Forthcoming. "A Life Course Perspective on Occupational Inheritance: Self-employed Parents and Their Children." In Martin Ruef and Michael Lounsbury, Research in the Sociology of Organizations. Elsevier JAI.
Until quite recently, little was known about how crime affects small businesses in the United States. Although police department statistics in the Uniform Crime Reports of the FBI provide some information on crimes against businesse s, little is known about how crime affects the conduct of a business, how businessmen cope with losses from crime, and what steps they can and cannot take to prevent crime or cover their losses.
To provide some answer to these questions, during the summer of 1966 the Center for Research on Social Organization at the University of Michigan undertook surveys of crimes against small businesses for the National Crime Commission. The s urveys were part of a larger study of crime and law enforcement in eight high crime rate areas of three major metropolitan cities: Boston, Chicago, and Washington, DC. Two high crime rate police precincts were selected in both Boston and Chicago: one of t hese areas was predominantly Negro in population composition, the other was predominantly white. Four high crime rate police precincts were selected in Washington, DC. A probability sample was designed for each police precinct to select 100 nonresidential establishments. The results of this study are reported in Field Surveys III, Volume 1 of the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice.
This 1966 study describes the crime and insurance problems of business and industrial establishments in each of the police precincts. Such a cross-section study of businesses at a particular point in time does not permit the testing of pre dictions over time. The Small Business Administration provided an opportunity to test some predictions by sponsoring a resurvey of these same businesses approximately two years later in the summer of 1968.
Almost all recent investigations of racially oriented civil disorders in the United States deal either with the precipitating causes of disorders or with the characteristics of participants in the disorder. Much less attention has been pai d to the consequences of these disorders on the social and economic conditions in areas where they take place.
This paper deals with the impact the disorders had on small business firms in the Negro ghetto. Taking the causes of civil disorders and participation in them as given, the study examines what has happened to the business organizations in Boston, Chicago, and Washington, DC that were most directly and immediately affected by the wave of arson, looting, and destruction that broke out in 1967 and after the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King in April, 1968.
A panel study of 659 small businesses in the inner cities of Boston, Chicago, and Washington, DC permits us to assess not only the extent of damages to them following disorders, but also changes in the types of problems confronting them an d changes in the attitudes of their managers or proprietors. Specifically, data are presented on the survival and damage rate for businesses in riot affected area, on changes in the ability of small businesses to obtain insurance and their consequences, a nd on changes in the attitudes of businessmen toward crime and law enforcement with accompanying behavior changes.
Organizational roles that bring incumbents into contact with members of other organizations where the boundaries of organizations intersect have been labeled boundary-spanning roles (Thompson, 1962). These roles provide a connecting link through which information flows among organizations. Beliefs and attitudes should be affected by contact with personnel in the boundary roles of an organizations, and the boundary role perspective provides a way of explaining how contact between gro ups changes attitudes. Traditionally, attitude change resulting form intergroup contact has been dealt with either in the framework of intergroup relations or that of balance theory, as will be discussed in this paper. Using the boundary-personnel perspec tive, this paper reports a study of factors making for a high degree of similarity in the attitudes policemen and small businessmen in metropolitan areas hold toward their city governments. We will examine the effects of exposure to common environmental p ressures and personal contact between policemen and businessmen on attitude congruence between the two groups, using data from three large urban areas.
Open systems theory has stimulated a number of theoretical discussions, yet many implications of the theory still remain to be explored (Katz & Kahn, 1966; Miller, 1955; Buckley, 1967). The purpose of this paper is to suggest two appli cations of the concept of organizations as boundary maintaining systems to the study of organizational phenomena: (1) power and authority, and (2) inter-organizational conflict and member compliance. It will be shown that conceptualizing organizations in terms of boundary maintaining systems provides a theoretical link between several concepts that have previously not been treated together.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent of absentee ownership of small businesses in the black ghettoes of three large American cities and to derive quantitative estimates of the impact that absentee ownership and management hav e on social and economic conditions in such areas. Non0ghetto businesses are compared with ghetto businesses to separate the effects of common business conditions from the fact of location in a particular area. Data are from a survey of 659 small business es in Chicago, Boston, and Washington, DC. The findings support the contentions of critics that absentee owned or managed businesses dominate the economy of the black ghetto. However, the same conclusion also applies to non-ghetto, low-income white areas. The paper concludes with estimates of the degree to which absentee owned or managed businesses control the flow of important resources in the areas studied.
This article applies Simmel's conception of sociability in a participant observation study of the structure and functioning of Mensa, a voluntary association with unique entrance criteria and goals. It indicates that, given an organization , with certain values and human inputs, sociability emerges as a major activity of that organization. The findings from this study are used to generate three propositions about the behavior of sociable organizations.
Investigators of organizational behavior disagree about the importance of technology in a theory of organizational structure. The Aston group asserts that its research shows technology to be much less important than other variables, such a s size. Their findings are reanalyzed, using path analysis to investigate the implications of their conclusions. A plausible theory, which treats technology as an independent variable is then developed. Finally, a fairly complex model of organizational st ructure is reconstructed from the Aston group's data. Both these efforts reaffirm the value of treating technology as an independent variable and of using theory-oriented path analysis.
This paper is an analysis of Mensa, a voluntary association of high IQ persons, as an organized setting for sociable interaction and an explication of the way in which this sociability is interactionally maintained. The paper begins with a discussion of the difference between sociable interaction and sociability and goes on to briefly consider some of the forces leading us to expect to find an increase in specialized settings for sociable interaction. The major portion of the paper consist s of an explication of the interactional requirements for the maintenance of sociability in Mensa and systematized Georg Simmel's portrayal of sociability, breaking it down into six components. A previous paper dealt with the development of Mensa as a Soc iable organization and so that topic will not be covered here (Aldrich, 1971).
Using data from two independent surveys, this paper examines those ghetto retail merchants who are likely to have their business establishments attacked during civil disorders. The findings, unusual in their complementarity, suggest that r iot participants select many of their targets and that the pattern of selection reflects a variety of concerns, from personal gain to "pre-political" motivations. Interpretations of these findings undercut theories of collective violence that rest on such concepts as suggestability, contagion, and "animal spirit."
Organizational theorists have been concerned for some time with conflict between organizations, e.g., conflict between staff and line (Dalton, 1959), between departments (Crozier, 1964), and between labor and management (Kerr and Siegel, 1 954). Conflict between organizations has received less attention, and most of it has been at the theoretical rather than empirical level (e.g., Litwak and Hyltin, 1962; Warren, 1967; and Ridgeway, 1957). The problem of studying conflict between organizati ons is part of the larger problem of investigating relations between organizations; thus, progress in the former awaits new developments in the latter (Aldrich, 1971). In this paper I wish to argue that an open-systems perspective, which focuses on a popu lation of organizations in interaction with its environment, provides an approach to the study of conflict between organizations that is theoretically sound and open to empirical test.
After summarizing the major components to an organization-environment perspective on organizational behavior, I will present typologies of environmental dimensions and interorganizational dimensions. Since my current research involves the study of manpower training and related organizations, examples used in these sections will be taken from the manpower training system. The final section of this paper is a brief discussion of propositions about conflict and cooperation between organizatio ns, based upon and organization-environment perspective.
Black-white relations in economic institutions are important determinants of the life chances of blacks. Black leaders and civil rights groups argue that white ownership of businesses in black communities retards the economic and political achievement of blacks. This paper explores the empirical basis for such arguments using a panel study of small businesses in Boston, Chicago, and Washington, DC. The following propositions are supported: (1) white-owned businesses are much larger than bl ack businesses and dominate the labor market of the ghetto, (2) white owners are more likely than black owners to hire "outsiders," and (3) white owners hire white employees in greater proportions than the racial composition of the ghetto population would imply. Ghetto economic development is often seen as a solution to the problems of the black community, but this research points out several important limitations of a development strategy.
Negro Employment in Retail Trade is Volume VI of the Studies of Negro Employment series published by the Wharton School, and is a collection of three previously issued reports in the Racial Policies of American Industry series, plus a concluding essay by Gordon Bloom. The purpose of this series is "to determine why some industries are more hospitable to the employment of Negroes than are others and why some companies within the same industry have vastly different racial employment p olicies." The authors succeed admirably in documenting the complex mix of factors affecting black employment in retail trade, and the thrust of their analysis is quite pessimistic as far as future large scale gains are concerned. Black employment in the d epartment store, drugstore, and supermarket industries has been characterized by steady but slow growth since World War II, with a much higher proportion of blacks than whites employed in blue-collar occupations within these industries and very few blacks promoted into managerial positions. Although the book is not organized in this manner, for purposes of review the analysis can be divided into three parts: factors with a positive impact on black employment, factors with a negative impact, and factors wi th no effect or at least an effect of uncertain weight.
Two different questions are being addressed by the literature on housing discrimination, with a great deal of confusion by our frequent tendency to mix the two. The first and logically prior question to be asked is: What are the barriers t o blacks or other minorities buying houses where ever they choose? This question directs our attention to the process by which potential black home owners are systematically excluded from certain residential areas. The second question is: What is the cost of being black, i.e. how much of a price differential do blacks pay because of their race? This question directs our attention to comparisons of the prices blacks and whites pay for the same standardized unit housing, with any residual price differential remaining after standardizing for physical housing characteristics and area factors being attributed to "discrimination." While the second question is important insofar as it provides us with objective information on the cost of being black in American s ociety, it provides little information that can be used in the formulation of public policy, as will be discussed below.
The exclamation points in this book's title provide a clue to its intended audience and to the nature of the analysis one can expect to find within it. Academics never get that excited when writing only for other academics, and Thayer clea rly has a bigger audience in mind. In short, he has a "message" to push, based on his diagnosis of the faults in modern society that "repress" and "alienate" modern man.
Thayer's message is straightforward: modern man is alienated because of the subordinate role he plays in social and organizational hierarchies, and organizations are prevented from reaching their true potential because of needless competit ion with other organizations. The first three chapters of the book elaborate on this diagnosis, and the remaining three chapters are devoted to outlining and illustrating at "new social theory," based on "structured non-hierarchical social interaction."
This paper reports on a review of the literature on ecological succession on racially changing neighborhoods undertaken as a part of a larger study of the process of changing racial ownership of small business in inner city neighborhoods ( Aldrich and Reiss, forthcoming). I have divided the literature on ecological succession, the process of racial change, and the social and economic consequences of succession. A major concern in this review is the extent to which the succession process can be described, as Park proposed, as a normal and orderly process of social change in an urban community. In this regard, special attention will be paid to studies of attitude change before and during succession. The concluding section will attempt to draw out the policy implications of the picture of racial succession that emerges from the review.
In this paper the development of interorganizational dependence is reviewed. The conceptualization and operationalization of dependence in the research of the Aston Group is criticized on conceptual and methodological grounds. We suggest t hat future research incorporate the idea of interorganizational networks of interdependence and distinguish explicitly between intra- and inter-organizational dependence.
Recently, Child (1972) has argued that the results obtained from a number of studies of the dimensions of organizational structure indicate a general compensatory relationship between greater delegation of decision making and greater struc turing through bureaucratic controls. This was manifested in the National study (of 82 manufacturing and service organizations in England and Scotland) by moderately high negative correlations between the variables comprising the two clusters of "structur ing of activities" and "centralization." The "structuring of activities" cluster is composed of several variables the most important of which are "functional specialization," "overall role specialization," "overall standardization," and "overall formaliza tion (Pugh et al. 1968). The second cluster will here be treated as consisting purely of "overall centralization" (Child 1972: 171). The results from the earlier Aston study of 52 organizations of diverse sorts (manufacturing, retail, government, utility) were broadly consistent in that the direction of the correlations were similar, but the magnitude of the negative correlation between the two clusters was lower (Child 1972: 170). In particular there were lower correlations between "overall centralizatio n" and "standardization," and "formalization," and these were not improved when the manufacturing only organizations in the Aston sample were isolated. Since the Aston results were somewhat discrepant to those obtained both in the National and the Coventr y studies (Hinings and Lee, 1971), this provided a puzzle which Child attempted to resolve by reference to the heterogeneity in organizational status in the Aston sample (Child 1972).
This paper concerns the problem of how residential succession affects the character of one set of local organizations: small businesses in racially changing neighborhoods. A key issue examined is the extent to which the causes and conseque nces of residential succession account also for the succession of small-business organizations. Only one type of succession is examined in this paper: the movement of blacks into areas previously occupied by whites. The impact of the transition in residen tial population on the abandonment of business sites and/or the turnover of business from white to black or Puerto Rican ownership is the particular focus of inquiry. Results of the analysis indicate that the residential succession model fits our data on business succession quite well.
In this paper the resource dependence model is used in an attempt to account for the pattern of transactions and relations between local Employment Service offices and social service organizations. Social service organizations are defined as all public and private nonprofit or noncommercial organizations that are relevant to a community's manpower training system, either because they are employers or because of the services they provide. The community manpower training system has at its co re manpower programs which focus on providing or upgrading the work-related skills of individuals and/or on instilling or improving attitudes and beliefs that are assumed to make individuals employable. Local Employment Service offices, in theory, stand a t the center of the quasi-system of manpower programs and associated organizations that has evolved from federal, state and local efforts over the past several decades.
Employment Service offices are people-processing organizations, and establishing and maintaining relations with other organizations is the central element of their technology (Hansenfeld, 1972; Benson et al., 1973). Thus, the study of rela tions between Employment Service offices and social service organizations provides an ideal context for an examination of the power of the resource-dependence perspective. From a public policy viewpoint, this study provides more empirical evidence for the importance of organization-level versus system-level variables in accounting for coordination among social service organization (Zald, 1969; Warren, 1973).
The environment of organizations is important because of its effects on organizational structures and decisions. Progress in the study of organizations derives from focusing on substantive problems rather than from the elaboration of conce ptual schemes. Models of environmental selection are useful only as they enrich our understanding of stability and change in organizational forms, or, as Hannan & Freeman (1974:10) ask, "Why are there so many kinds of organizations?" The natural selec tion model answers this question by examining the nature and distribution of resources in the environment, while the resource dependence model focuses on the decisions and power and influence relationships that affect organizational actions and strategies that seek to manage the environment.
The interorganization system to be examined is the network of relations between local employment service offices and members of their organization set. Manpower programs have traditionally focused on providing or upgrading the work-related skills of individuals and/or on instilling or improving attitudes and beliefs presumed to make individuals employable. Local employment service offices stand at the center of an ad hoc and evolving system of manpower programs and associated organizations created over the past decade. The Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1973 was designed to bring order into the system, but its effects are still to be felt, and my study was completed before any of the new legislation was implemented.
The issue of organization design is approached indirectly in my analysis, as I am investigating networks of organizations that reflect the cumulative effect of conscious system design criteria by manpower planners and the unplanned evoluti on of the system in response to environmental contingencies, and constraints (Aldrich, 1971). Almost all the variables in the analysis are potentially subject to manipulation by authorities somewhere in the system. Agreement formalization, the intensity o f a relationship, whether it is standardized or unstandardized and reciprocated or unreciprocated, the size of the staff, and so forth, are all parameters subject to change at the discretion of authorities, provided that they understand the necessary ante cedents and consequences of each manipulation. The purpose of my analysis is to make clear the causal relations among the variables of interest to designers.
Two methods of dealing with the 'environment' may be discerned in current theorizing and research on relations between organizations and theit environments. One approach, exemplified by Dill (1958), Weick (1969), and Duncan (1972) takes an informational perspective on the environment, treating variation in information about the environment as perceived by organization members as the major factor in explaining organizational structure. The other approach, exemplified by Emerson (1962), Pfef fer (1972a; 1972b), and Aiken and Hage (1968), adopts a resource perspective on the environment, arguing that the level of resources and the terms on which they are available in the organization's environment is the critical factor; the process through wh ich information about the environment is apprehended by decision-makers is not given much attention. In this chapter we review both methods of dealing with the 'environment', and suggest that closer attention ought to be paid to the difference between the m. This distinction, we will show, has both theoretical and methodological implications for the study of organization-environment interaction.
The evolutionary model of interorganizational network evolution is useful insofar as it shows us that theorists on opposite sides of the loose-coupling-tight-coupling issue are making different assumptions about the complexity of the envir onment, the definition of relevant subsystems of organizations, the attention to be paid to dominant organizations, and perhaps the information-processing capacity of administrators in linking-pin organizations. Perhaps most critical of all are the assump tions made about the proper role of the state in the control of organizations' and individuals' life chances. Some of the arguments in this paper pose questions such as the proper balance between freedom and equality, and by definition do not lend themsel ves to other than a political solution. Rather than try to resolve the arguments posed for and against tight coupling in interorganizational networks, on conjunction with the evolutionary model presented.
The study of organizations has moved beyond focusing on single organizations to an examination of populations of organizations relating to their environments (Aldrich, 1979), but the development of concepts and data gathering methods appro priate to this level has been remarkably slow. Anthropologists, sociologists studying community structure, and political sociologists and economists studying power relations have shifted their foci, with the putative unit of analysis becoming a network ra ther than individual elements of a network (Mitchell, 1972; Perrucci and Pilisuk, 1970; Sheingold, 1973). Most studies of organization-environment interaction still focus on isolated organizations relating to their environments, with a few exceptions (Lev ine, 1972; Van de Ven et al., 1974). Network concepts, if used at all, are treated a metaphors rather than analytical tools. In this chapter it is argued that models and methods are available to designers and investigators of organizational behavior that rescue the concept of interorganizational networks from a purely metaphorical use.
Boundaries are a defining characteristic of organizations, and boundary roles are the link between the environment and the organization. The creation, elaboration, and the functions of boundary spanning roles are examined, with attention t o environmental and technological sources of variation in the structure of boundary roles. Eleven hypotheses integrate the material reviewed and are amenable to empirical test. Future research should overcome problems created when organizations are treate d as "wholes" or single entities.
There are three questions which a theory of supranational organization must answer if it is to have explanatory power: (1) What are the components of the supranational network? (2) What is the nature of the linkages binding the components into a network? (3) What are the causal processes which brought the network into existence and which link its components at any given historical point? Wolfe fully answers only the first of these questions, arguing that the components of the emergent netw ork are states, corporations, persons, and institutions joined by a plexus of ties which are interlocking and predominantly non-hierarchical in form. He claims to follow Steward's evolutionary perspective, but does not present a clear theoretical model. I nstead, the article is comprised of a series of empirical generalizations on the emergence of forms, focused primarily on the multinational corporation as a new for. The lack of a clear causal argument leaves readers with the impression that the supranati onal system is a result of the unfolding of change immanent in corporations "invented centuries ago" and states "invented a few thousand years ago."
I will review the centralization versus decentralization issue from the perspective of organizational as well as client needs. All human service delivery systems are products of compromises between centralizing and decentralizing forces, a nd I emphasize the contradictions structured into systems because of the irresolvable nature of the arguments. Examples are taken from a comparative field study of manpower organizations in New York State communities, as well as from the literature on soc ial service organizations.
Relations between organization shave become a common topic for social research. The dominant theoretical perspective in the area of interorganizational relations posits that linkages between organizations serve as lifelines through which t he resources necessary to implement an organization's core technology are received (Yuchtman and Seashore, 1967). Despite the fact that the instrumental value of an organization's net work of linkages has been repeatedly stressed (cf. Aiken and Hage, 1968 ; Aldrich, 1979; Turk, 1973; Benson, 1975; and Whetten, 1977), we have a meager understanding of the organizational and contextual factors which influence the establishment of these relationship. Consequently, the purpose of this study of 69 manpower orga nizations is to investigate the organizational and environmental factors which determine the size and composition of a social service agency's set of interorganizational linkages. People-processing organizations which utilize a mediating technology were s tudied because the importance of establishing interorganizational relations is clearly evident in this case. This is evidenced by the fact that interagency coordination is a central feature of most social service delivery systems.
A comprehensive explanation of the conditions under which ethnic or racial minorities enter small shopkeeping in large numbers requires the consideration of four factors: (a) demographic changes in the size and distribution of the minority and majority group populations; (b) changes in a society's industrial and occupational structure; (c) the employment opportunity structure for the minority population; and (d) the organizing capacity of the minority population.
The second factor is subsumed in theories of industrialization and societal growth and is not examined in this chapter. Taken together, the other three factors comprise two strands of theorizing and research that have traditionally been tr eated separately: models of ecological succession, accounting for the process by which minority groups replace majority group residents of a residential area; and models of 'middleman minorities', accounting for the tendency of certain ethni c minorities to enter small shopkeeping in societies to which they have emigrated. The literature on residential ecological succession in the United States has previously been reviewed (Aldrich, 1975), and space does not permit a summary here. This chapte r focuses on the middleman minority model, after a brief review of the results from a test of two hypotheses from the ecological succession model. Hypotheses were tested on two samples of small businesses and shopkeepers in Wandsworth - one of the borough s of Greater London. Comparisons are made between findings from research in the United States and England.
Albert Hirschman's contribution in Exit, voice and loyalty provided a framework within which investigators could simultaneously examine people's responses to deteriorating organizational performance and administrators' responses to members' or customers' responses. Traditional analyses focused on exits - people ceasing to buy a firm's products of leaving the organization - and on competition between organizations as remedies for declining performance. Hirschman added the concept of voice - people expressing dissatisfaction through some form of overt protest. Underlying his model was an implicit assumption of administrators' responsiveness to exit and voice, whereas we posit that there are many conditions under which manager and lead ers are highly unresponsive. these conditions are highlighted in nonmarket economies, and we draw illustrative material from Poland to support our arguments.
This chapter examines the organizational-level consequences of mergers, focusing on the role that industrial relations issues play in the merger process. After reviewing the changing pattern of mergers during the past 75 years, we examine the legal and organizational context within which mergers occur. Industrial relations problem areas that might have been identified by previous investigators are discussed. These speculations are examined more closely through examining results obtained fr om a pilot survey of corporations involved in mergers in 1975 and 1976. To anticipate our major findings, we show that mergers have had surprisingly little impact on industrial relations departments and other aspects of the collective bargaining process.< /FONT>
The population perspective explains organizational change by focusing on the distribution of resources in environments and the terms on which they are available. Variation within and between organizations provides the occasion for selectio n criteria to make their presence felt, and the retention mechanisms preserve the selected variations. In this paper, we examine changes in environmental selection criteria from the early nineteenth century until the present, relating changes in these cri teria to changes in organizational forms. Forms are defined along three dimensions: technology, coordination, and control. We show that systematic change in organizational forms has been associated with a number of long term evolutionary changes in the so cial, political, and economic environment of the United States.
Theorists have implicitly recognized that the capitalist class in the United States is internally differentiated along economic, ideological, and political lines, but this recognition has had little effect on empirical research. A particularly importan t but neglected source of differentiation is the amount of economic resources controlled by a capitalist. Between 11% and 14% of the economically active population in the United States are self-employed. Those persons in this category who own their own me ans of production are eligible for inclusion in the capitalist class, but the category includes a wide range of persons, from those with only a few thousand dollars in assets and no employees to persons with millions of dollars in assets and thousands of employees (Aldrich, 1979: 40-4). Presenting evidence from a study of differences in workforce size and income within the capitalist class, we argue that the inclusion of an indicator of resources controlled - workforce size - is an essential factor in stu dies focusing on classes and class differences.
England's emergence as a dominant power in the nineteenth-century capitalist world economy went hand in hand with the growth of a colonial empire. The South Asian subcontinent, the West Indies, and East Africa were incorporated into Britai n's empire as sources of raw materials and as markets for finished goods. Population movement was from Great Britain to the colonies, but that pattern began to change after World War II. As the colonial system broke up, newly independent nation-states fou nd themselves on the periphery of the world economy, cast into a subordinate role by their decades of economic and political dependence. Attracted by opportunities in Great Britain and frustrated by conditions at home, thousands of "colored" migrants pour ed into England's cities and towns. The jobs they found were primarily those that native whites had abandoned as they shifted vertically into better-paying jobs and horizontally into newly developed industries (Nowikowski, 1980). In short, workers found t hey had moved from countries on the periphery of the world economy to peripheral jobs on the fringe of the British economy.
"Economies" are defined territorially by exchange relations and the division of labor, whereas "polities" are defined by authoritative control within the boundaries of a politically-defined area. Economic actors, whether they are entrepren eurs or corporations, seek the free flow of capital and commodities without regard to arbitrary boundaries, whereas political actors intervene in such flows by virtue of their authoritative control over all actions within their boundaries. Most orthodox a pproaches appear to assume the congruence of political and economic systems at the nation-state level, with national governments playing important roles in creating the legal and political infrastructures supporting national economies. Regional and local political units, however, do not enjoy such an unchallenged status, and their proper economic role is rather undefined.
Our review of the literature on absentee owned firms has led us to posit a fundamental contradiction between actors desiring the free flow of economic capital and actors attempting to defend the integrity of local political boundaries. Loc al communities establish public policies facilitating or constraining the movement of capital, but their limited size prevents them from exercising the coercive powers of the federal government. Large corporations accept the facilitating acts of local gov ernments but view constraints as a nuisance, inhibiting the efficient allocation of resources.
Business development is often treated as an indicator of the economic and social standing of an ethnic or racial minority. If business success is truly a catalyst for social advancement then the Asian communities of Britain appear to posse ss enormous potential for upward mobility. In the paper we examine the validity of the minority business - social development hypothesis and its applicability to Asians in England. Information for our investigation was obtained from business censuses and questionnaire surveys in three urban areas - Bradford, Leicester, and Ealing (London). We find evidence in commercial vitality within the Asian community, but also an indication that development has turned inward. Asians have developed self-contained stru ctures heavily insulated from external pressures. As long as this reliance upon segregated markets continues, commercial self-employment will fail to provide the ladder necessary for Asians to achieve economic and social equality in Britain.
Social network concepts are very useful for describing existing social structures. Most social theories, by contrast, are concerned with change and the conditions under which it occurs. Five papers are examined, using the population ecolog y perspective and the transactions cost approach to selection, against a criterion of how well they account for the origins and persistence of network structures.
The recent emergence of Asian business activity in Britain may seem as simply the latest event in a fairly long history of commercial involvement by Asian exiles. During the last century or so of British imperial history, Indian communitie s took root in may British colonies; being particularly strongly represented in East and Southern Africa, Burma and the Carribean. Although the bulk of the migrants traveled as indentured laborers, they proved to be a socially mobile group who, on becomin g established in their adopted countries, transformed themselves into a business, professional and clerical class: "...wherever, under the umbrella of imperialism, there were commercial opportunities to exploit, Indian traders took them" (Rex and Tomlinso n, 1979).
In this chapter we consider the intersection of the social category of small business ownership with that of ethnicity. We are particularly concerned with ethnic and racial minorities in the United States, mainly Asians and blacks, while d rawing on information about majority-group (white) business owners in Britain and other Western societies for comparative purposes. Our discussion is organized around the theme of the vulnerability of small business, a topic for which some evidence has al ready been advanced (see chapter 2). We focus on the ways in which particular ethnic groups have responded to economic vulnerability in societies where small businesses face the greatest difficulties.
This paper proposes that organizational science could be applied more widely if the field were more concerned with the conditions under which research findings are valid. Papers in the field generalize about organizations as if they were a ll alike, or refrain from generalizing at all, as if they were all unique. The population perspective presented re-emphasizes the all-alike and all-unique approaches, placing emphasis instead on research methods that improve the description and classifica tion of organizational forms, define more homogeneous groupings, and specify the limited conditions under which predictions may be expected to hold true. The principles of the population perspective are reviewed, and an outline is presented for developing a classification of organizational forms. Suggestions are then made on how to use the perspective increase and improve the application of organizational research.
In this paper we examine the available historical evidence on the creation of producers' cooperatives from 1835 to 1935. The study included an exhaustive search of historical records, and despite sketchy records in some instances, we are c onfident that we have captured the general trends in cooperative formation. We first document the small number of cooperatives created during the century we examined, and then focus upon the question of why cooperatives did not appear more frequently. Thr ee interrelated factors are included in the discussion: changes in economic structure, changes in incentives within the economic and political system, and the availability of resources for founding cooperatives.
Observing, describing, codifying, and understanding managerial behaviors are important activities with a rich methodological heritage. These activities are important both because understanding what managers do aids in enhancing performance , satisfaction, and effectiveness, and because managing is the fundament of organizational design, change, planning, development, and production. The rich set of methods used to study managers, settings, and behaviors is impressive.
Mintzberg's work directly challenges many commonly held assumptions about managerial behavior. Because this challenge rests upon structured observational methods which have not been validated, a replication would lend more credibility to M intzberg's findings. That is, a replication should diminish arguments of observer bias and enhance our confidence in the study's external validity.
We present the results of our research in four tables, giving Mintzberg's composite findings for comparison. We suggest some empirical generalizations about the context for managerial behavior, based on the comparison of our results wit Mintzberg's.
The purpose of this chapter, then, is to explain the developmental features of the trade association population in the United States. The stability and noncompetitiveness of trade associations we observe today are not automatic but rather the outcome of an historical development marked with irregularities and organizational trials and errors, as business adjusted to an evolving economic and political environment. In outlining the organizational development of American trade associations, w e cite examples from the German experiences, as it provides an excellent comparative illustration of state intervention in the economic processes.
We argue that the reorganization of organizational science around a carefully defined concept of organizational form will enhance the fruitfulness of our labor. The first part of this paper is definitional, followed by a consideration of current practice regarding organizational forms. Finally, we comment on what should be done if our position is taken seriously.
The populations perspective on organizational change downplays the consequences of managerial action and focuses on populations rather than on single organizations as evolving units. The population perspective is useful in suggesting broad classes of design strategies. Using this perspective, we argue that models of organizational change must accurately represent the diversity of units studies, be based on tests of alternative explanations, and explicitly incorporate organizational dynamic s. Moreover, designs must take account of five empirical generalizations about organizations: individuals' intentions are not a good guide to organizational outcomes, environments are difficult to describe with typologies of a few attributes, designs are a joint product of organizational forms and environmental characteristics, population effects are as important as individual intentions, and environmental trends are increasingly short-lived. We present a simple classification of four categories of macro environments and draw inferences about the kinds of design strategies appropriate in each. We conclude with a strategy of design strategies: questions and issues to consider before beginning detailed planning.
The concept of a protected consumer market has been used to refer to the special, culturally based tastes of ethnic minorities that can only be served by co-ethnic businesses. We argue that residentially segregated ethnic enclaves are anot her form of protected market which arises under historically determined conjunctures of immigration patterns and urban economic development. Using 571 survey interviews with Asian and white shopkeepers and population data from three British cities, we tes t six hypotheses regarding the determinants of a shopkeeper's proportion of ethnic minority (Asian) customers. Taken together, residential concentration and social distance factors account for 53 percent of the variation in customer composition, as the pr oportion of Asians residing in an area and the ethnicity of a shopkeeper are found to have strong and independent effects on customer mix.
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