Sample Theory Application Paper #1: The Latent Functions of
Boot Camp
Raizel Arnholt
I. Introduction
To a
civilian, many of the practices of the military (such as the upkeep of shiny
boots or the donning of extremely short hair) seem superficial and trite. But
are
these army procedures as trivial as they appear? A
functionalist would say that every action of the military serves a particular
function that is necessary to keep the
military (as a whole entity) running. Robert Merton's theory
suggests that specific military practices fulfill both manifest and latent
functions. An effective military relies
on a strong sense of group solidarity, blind obedience, and
esprit de corps. This results from the latent function of many of these
seemingly "functionless" military
practices. Not only do many military acts, such as marching,
fulfill manifest functions, but they also fulfill deeper latent functions,
providing for a more effective
military. This theory could be tested by surveying and
interviewing soldiers both before and after boot camp to see if their sense of
solidarity and levels of obedience
are raised upon completion of the training. The existence of
latent functions of military practices could further be tested by setting up a
controlled boot camp where
normal military training occurs, but without the use of
uniforms, marching, or other such group solidarity and obedience promoting
practices. Then a comparison
could be drawn between the levels of esprit de corps between
the "test" boot camp and a normal boot camp.
II. Case Selection
The United
States Armed Forces play a crucial role in protecting our nation's interests.
Countless guidelines and regulations dictate the operations of the
military. Some of these rules and procedures seem minor, yet
they serve certain important functions. Still, others appear to serve no
function at all. From the moment
basic training begins, soldiers immediately become aware of
the importance and necessity of following specific army guidelines and
procedures, however trivial or
pointless they seem.
For example,
US servicemen must wear their hair cut in a very utilitarian hairstyle, cut
according to established guidelines and measurements. Dress uniforms
and fatigues must be worn in specific ways. For instance,
boots must always be shined and brass must be polished. Socks must be rolled
and placed in the same
direction in perfectly organized foot lockers. Beds in the
barracks must be made according to strict guidelines.
There are
other standard procedures of the military which seem to serve only basic
functions, yet they are regarded as having vital importance. Rather than
haphazardly running or walking from one place to another,
soldiers must march (often to a cadence kept by patriotic marching songs).
Soldiers rotate KP or kitchen
duty. Guard duty is strictly kept, even during boot camp
where there is no real threat, and thus no real reason to keep guard.
The military
has a reason for everything that it does. Therefore, all of its tedious
provisions and regulations must have functions, though they may be hidden. But
it is hard to understand the importance of seemingly trivial
things such as the necessity of keeping barrack floors spit-shined. Similarly,
why are soldiers in boot camp
required to take "change of quarters" duty where
they stay up all night in a battalion office waiting for a message which they
know will never come? To gain a better
understanding as to why the military places such importance
on seemingly trite rules and guidelines, perhaps a deeper look should be taken
at the functions of such
procedures.
III. Theory
A
functionalist would argue that every action or procedure of the military serves
a certain function that is necessary for the maintenance of the Armed Forces
(as it is an organism itself).
Functionalist
Robert K. Merton would say that most army procedures and rules fulfill both a
manifest and a latent function. However, he would also point out
that not everything is functional. There is a distinction
between things that appear to be functional and those that actually are
functional.
Merton defines manifest function as
"those objective consequences for a specified unit (person, subgroup or
cultural system) which contribute to its adjustment
or adaptation and were so intended" (Merton, Social
Theory, p. 330) and latent function as, the "unintended and unrecognized
consequences of the same order"
(Merton, Social Theory, p. 330). Further, he says that the
distinction between these two types of functions "aids the sociological
interpretation of many social
practices which persist even though their manifest purpose
is clearly not achieved" (Merton, Social Theory, p. 330). Merton would
apply this paradigm to the
provisions and procedures of the military. The fact that a
soldier has perfectly shined boots seems to fulfill no certain "manifest
function." He or she could fight just as
well in scuffed up boots. However, Merton would suggest that
the reason that this rule exists is not because of a lack of intelligence on
the army's part (Merton,
Social Theory, p. 330). Rather, forcing soldiers to have
shiny boots fulfills two latent functions. It promotes obedience, since the
soldiers must obey superior's
orders of keeping there boots shiny, and it promotes group
solidarity (since everyone has shiny boots).
Army
procedure fulfills the important latent functions of facilitating blind
obedience, ~ group solidarity, and esprit de corps. For instance, the manifest
function
of marching is transport. That is, soldiers must have a way
to get from one place to another. However, marching also fulfills a latent
function. By marching together, in
a timed rhythm, the soldiers are provided with a sense of
group solidarity. Further, the soldiers are learning to blindly trust their
superiors. The commanders may
shout out a "left face" command, and the soldiers
must trust that their commanders aren't turning them towards danger. In
addition, as the soldiers march, they often
sing songs. This serves the manifest function of keeping the
cadence. However~ these songs have a latent function of promoting patriotism.
Merton writes, "...it is
through participation in activities [such as patriotic
songs] that creates an atmosphere of patriotism and national feeling... for the
majority, patriotism is the symbolic
expression of loyalty... (Merton, Mass, p. 103).
Another example of the latent and
manifest function of military rules can be found in the use of uniforms.
Uniforms serve the manifest function of giving the
servicemen clothing and protection from the elements.
Further, uniforms denote which "side" a soldier is on and his or her
rank. However, there is also an inherent
latent function of uniforms. Since everyone is wearing the
same uniform, the soldiers lose their identity, and a sense of group solidarity
is achieved. All of the soldiers,
regardless of their rank, age, or gender, look essentially
the same on the battlefield.
Merton says
that in all social systems (such as the military) there are functional
decisions to be made and that it must be kept in mind that "... up to a
certain
point, social cohesion facilitates the productivity of a
group" (Merton, On Social, p. 98). This social cohesion is the result of
the latent functions of many military
procedures. Wearing uniforms and marching, for example,
serve the obvious manifest functions of protection and transport, but they also
provide the latent function
of unification and of bonding soldiers together. Social
cohesion promotes trust, and this trust is what keeps a military functional.
Thus, Merton would say that the
latent functions of military practices keep the armed forces
productive.
One final
view that Merton would have on the manifest and latent functions of military
procedure comes from his theorem that "the social functions of an
organization help determine the structure, just as the
structure helps determine the effectiveness with which functions are
fulfilled" (Merton, On Theoretical, p. 136).
Although commanders can demand the subordinate soldiers to
perform seemingly meaningless tasks such as "change of quarters" duty
or guard duty of a barrack
during boot camp (neither of which seem to fulfill a
manifest function), there is an inherent integration between the different
ranks of soldiers. Therefore, the latent
function of these tasks is to solidify this integration by
promotion of obedience. The stronger the structure of the army and the more
integrated the ranks, the more
effective it will be.
In using
Merton's theory of manifest and latent functions, a hypothesis on the
"functions" of military practices can be drawn. Although most
military practices
and procedures seem to have definite manifest functions,
many don't. However all military practices seem to fulfill the latent function
of promoting blind obedience,
group solidarity, and esprit de corps. Thus, an effective military is developed.
Sample Theory Application Paper #2: Is Divorce Functional?
Aimee Buck
I. Summary
Divorce is a
social phenomenon that is understood as either destroying the institution of
marriage or maintaining the ideology of freedom so prevalent in the
American social system. To better understand this
phenomenon, research should be done on the effect of divorce on the institution
of marriage and the social system
of America. Talcott Parsons, in his analysis of social
systems and institutions, presents a theory of structural functionalism that
could be useful in addressing divorce.
Through his definitions of social systems, institutions, and
ideology and his own analysis of divorce, one can hypothesize that divorce is
merely an expression of role
changes within the institution of marriage and the American
social system itself. Through a survey and observation of married couples, the
hypothesis of divorce as an
expression of role changes can be tested. The survey will be
particularly useful in analyzing how strongly one believes in the American
ideology of freedom and how
this relates to the acceptance of divorce.
II. Case Selection
Divorce is a
social phenomenon that has been researched profusely but has not been clearly
understood. Some Americans view divorce as a tremendous social
problem that is devastating to children and the institution
of marriage. For these Americans, "marriage is primarily a social
institution, designed for the efficient rearing
of children, and for the transmission of values"
(Talbot, 1997). They feel that divorce is destroying marriage and family
values. Other Americans view divorce as an
individual right and an act of freedom. For these Americans
marriage is an institution about the union of two people who love each other.
They see divorce as a
means of perfecting marriage since it allows people to
explore and find what is right for them. Thomas Jefferson wrote that,
"liberty of divorce prevents and cures
domestic quarrels" (Talbot, 1997). Conflict over
divorce usually comes down to the institution of marriage versus the ideology
of the American society. The
American tradition of freedom has long held that divorce is
an act of independence and an individual right. To better understand divorce,
research should be done on
the effects of divorce on both the institution of marriage
and the American social system. How does divorce affect the institution of marriage?
Is it an attempt to
destroy this institution or perfect it? How does divorce
affect the social system of America? Is it an act of freedom and an individual
right? To conduct this research, I
will rely on Talcott Parsons' theory of structural functionalism.
His view on social systems, institutions, and values will be helpful in
analyzing the effects of divorce on
social systems and institutions.
III. Theory
Talcott
Parsons was the dominant figure in sociology in the I 940s and through the
1960s. His theory of structural functionalism was based on the functionalism
of Emile Durkheim. Functionalism is a perspective on society
which views society as a living organism whose parts are supposed to fulfill a
distinct function. Like
Durkheim, Parsons thought of society as an existence. For
Parsons, society existed as a system. The social system, along with culture,
personality, and the behavioral
organism, are action systems. These action systems are all
interrelated and interdependent upon each other.
Parsons
defined social systems as "those constituted by states and processes of
social interaction among acting units" (Parsons, 1961-1971, p. 323). He
structured the social system into components of values,
norms, collectivities, and roles. Values are "conceptions of desirable
types of social systems that regulate the
making commitments by social units" (Parsons,
1961-1971, p. 323). Values act as pattern-maintenance functions; that is, they
serve to maintain patterns created by
society. Values serve as important aspects of institutions.
Parsons defines institutions as "a complex of institutionalized role
integrates which is of strategic structural
significance in the social system in question"
(Parsons, 1951, p. 39). In other words, an institution encompasses role
relationships which are important in the overall
social system. In the institution of marriage, then, the
roles of wife and husband are considered important in the overall context of
society.
Ideology is
another important feature of the social system. Parsons defines ideology as
"a system of beliefs, held in common by the members of a
collectivity"
(Parsons, 1951, p. 349). This belief system, however, has to
have "some level of evaluative commitment to the belief as an aspect of
membership in the collectivity"
(Parsons, 1951, p. 349). For a belief system to be an
ideology, then, it has to be part of the role of collective membership. The
idea of freedom is an ideology for
America since freedom is an important aspect of American
life and is essentially a role that Americans play.
Parsons
actually wrote on divorce in his book, Family, Socialization, and Interaction
Process. He analyzed divorce rates in the United States from 1920 to
1951. Obviously, this was before the upsurge of divorces
that occurred in the 1960s. In this analysis, he finds that the rate of couples
who are married and still with
their spouses is the highest it has ever been. He concludes
that, "divorce certainly has not led to a general disillusionment with
marriage" (Parsons & Bales, 1955,
p.5). Parsons suggests that high divorce rates are an
indication of the changing roles of family and marriage. These changing roles
"impose additional strain on family
and marriage as systems, and on their members as
personalities" (Parsons & Bales, 1955, p. 25). This strain is what led
to the higher divorce rate.
By applying
Parson's theory to my case selection of the effect of divorce on social systems
and institutions, it appears that divorce is an expression of role
changes within the institution of marriage. Thus, divorce is
not acting to destroy the institution, instead it is expressing the changes
that are occurring within the system
itself. These role changes also affect American society. Again, divorce is the expression of these changes.