Language Issues Around the World: A Brief Guide AFRICA Burundi Burundi has, unlike many of its African neighbours, an historical linguistic unity in which Kirundi has been the only Bantu language spoken throughout the country. Today, in a population of about three million, all but 50,000 or so have Kirundi as a mothertongue. As well, about half a million know some Swahili. French, of course, was the colonial language and, from independence in 1962, it retained co-official status with Kirundi. Most government, education and media work is in French, and relatively little effort has been given to modernising and standardising Kirundi. (Source: Verdoodt, 1979.) Cameroon In Cameroon, among more than 200 ethnic groups, French and English are official languages; Cameroon Pidgin English is without official recognition but acts as a lingua franca. There are also several large African languages (including Hausa), and Arabic is valued for its religious and cultural significance. There is, however, no one common vernacular and there is no one very large ethnic group. Consequently, the policy has been to give no education in an vernacular language; since 1958, all education has been through English. An argument could be made for the educational use of Pidgin, but many do not consider it prestigious enough for school use. Todd (1984) argues that the policy here is an eminently sensible one. Indeed, although not reflecting the UNE SCO (1953) recommendations regarding mother-tongue education, the policy seems more one of pragmatism than of some simple continuation of a colonial mentality favouring 'world' languages. Ethiopia After Egypt and Nigeria, Ethiopia is the most populous country in Africa. About 70 languages are spoken among its 32 million inhabitants. Recent acknowledgement of (Source: Todd, 1984.) 172 Language Issues Around the World this linguistic diversity is shown in the replacement, in 1976, of Haile Selassie's Amharic Language Academy with an Academy of Ethiopian Languages. (Sources: Cooper, 1978a; Cooper & Carpenter, 1972; Fellman, 1983; Ferguson, 1970.) Kenya Swahili is a lingua franca spoken by about 25 million people all over East Africa, from Somalia to Mozambique, and west to the Congo. Sometimes described as a compromise between Arabic and Bantu, Swahili is structurally, Bantu but has many Arabic words. In July 1974, Kenyatta proclaimed that Swahili was to be Kenya's national language. In Nairobi particularly, however, Kikuyu would have been a more obvious choice in terms of number of speakers, and English is still the prestige variety. But, for its purposes, the Government wanted an African language and hoped that Swahili would prove ethnically 'neutral'. Now, both Swahili and English are offical in Kenya, although the former retains national- language status, and moves are underway to standardise a variety of Swahili that will be particularly Kenyan. (Sources: Eastman, 1983; Harries, 1968, 1976; Kanuri, 1984.) Morocco* Four languages dominate the Moroccan context. Before the French arrived in 1912 and imposed their language (especially at school), Morocco was a bilingual BerberArabic country - Berber being the indigenous vernacular before the seventh-century Arab invasion. Berber has been maintained for reasons of identity, helped by its mountainous isolation. However, there also exists great respect for Arabic, and here there is diglossia with the Classic and Moroccan varieties. Since-independence (1956) Arabic has achieved official status. French has not been rejected, largely for practical reasons, although it is not the mother-tongue of any sizeable section of Moroccan society. Arabisation is Government policy, but French is recognised as important. Thus, both French and Classical Arabic are prestige varieties (although for quite different reasons), while Moroccan Arabic is the vernacular, although often considered low in status. *See also Somalia; Tunisia. (Sources: Bentahila 1983a, b.) Nigeria In Nigeria 80 million people speak about 400 languages. About half, however, speak one of the three major varieties - Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba - and English is a wellestablished and widespread second language; of the three native languages, Hausa is the most important as a lingua franca. Educational issues are complicated by the fact that mother-tongues vary greatly in terms of standardisation. Some are unstandardised dialects within large language families (e.g. Ibani); some are partly standardised forms (e.g. Shuwa Arabic, Abua); some are fully standardised (e.g. Efik, Idoma). The two main streams of educational thought can be characterised as mother-tongue unilingualism or 'straight-into- English' and, given the linguistic complexity, it is not immediately apparent which is more appropriate; no doubt strong cases can be made for each, according to particular contexts. (Sources: Akere, 1981; Amayo, 1984; Brann, 1979a, b, 1983; Paden, 1968; Zima, 1968.) Language Issues Around the World 173 Senegal Of the 4.7 million inhabitants, 44 per cent have Wolof as the mother-tongue, 21 per cent Pulaar (Fula) and 16 per cent Server. However, Wolof is a national lingua franca, with about 80 per cent of the population knowing it, and Dakar and other big towns have a Wolof majority. French remains very important and has been the official language since independence. Many urban dwellers, at least, are trilingual in their mother-tongue, Wolof and French. Somalia* Somalia's population is largely homogeneous and Somali-speaking, and the country's linguistic problems can be seen as relatively minor compared to others in Africa. Arabic, English and Italian have also been important in Somalia and after independence in 1960 literacy and education were associated with English in the north and Italian in the south. Only in 1972 was Somali made official; moves were then made to formalise it. Remarkable gains have been achived here, and Somali is now the medium of instruction for all pre-university education. *See also Morocco; Tunisia. (Sources: Andrzejewski, 1980; Laitin, 1977.) South Aftica For practical reasons, English is the most widely used languaged in South Africa and, with Afrikaans (developed from the Dutch of early Cape settlers), is official. English, Afrikaans and bilingual speakers total about six million. The most important indigenous language groups are the Nguni (Zulu, Xhosa, Swazi, Ndebele) and the Sotho (Tswana, Sotho), with about nine million and five million speakers respectively. Others (including Tsonga and Venda) have about 1. 5 million speakers. About half a million people speak Indian languages (Tamil, Hindi, Guierati, Urdu, Telugu) and several hundred thousand speak other immigrant languages. Among the White population generally, English is associated with commerce and Afrikaans with administration; these are both important domains and so bilingualism is stressed. English speakers tend to be concentrated more in the middle and upper class, while Afrikaans speakers are more evenly distributed. Among Black South Africans, Afrikaans is associated more with oral skills and practical needs, English with reading and writing: thus, the latter is favoured as a school medium and is generally viewed as more prestigious. Urban Blacks use more English than do their rural counterparts but, even in rural areas, Blacks read English better than Afrikaans, and English speaking is on the increase. English is slightly more predominant among Black women than among Black men. (Sources: Hauptfleisch, 1977, 1978; Kachru, 1978; Lanham & MacDonald, 1979; (Schuring, 1979; Van den Berghe, 1968; Van Wyk, 1978.) Tanzania As a second language for large segments of the population, Swahili dates only from the mid-nineteenth century. As a standard language, it goes back only to the 1930s. Today, with less than ten per cent of Tanzania speaking Swahili as a mother-tongue, (Source: Mansour, 1980.) 174 Language Issues Around the World it is the national language. English has been, and continues to be, very important but (especially since independence in 1961) the status of Swahili is growing, and it is now the second language of most. The Institute of Swahili Research (established in 1964) is an important force in the development of the language. (Sources: Harries, 1968; Mkilifi, 1978; Whiteley, 1968.) Tunisia Virtually everyone in Tunisia (population: 6.2 million) speaks Tunisian Arabic as a mother-tongue. At school, both French and Classical Arabic are taught; about threequarters of subjects are given in French by the end of secondary school. Thus, three varieties are important in the country. Classical Arabic is important for religious reasons and for pan-Arab unity; Tunisian Arabic is the vernacular and, although sometimes considered to be lacking in prestige, possesses 'covert' status; French is required for modernisation, but is sometimes seen as a threat to national unity. Since independence in 1956, the official goal has been Arabisation, but practical demands have meant that this has had to be put aside, or postponed at least, in favour of French-Arabic bilingualism. It is interesting to note that, unlike many TI-drd-World countries, Tunisia is not substantially affected by ethnic rivalries, almost all speak the same language, and Arabic has historically been a language of both scientific and cultural expression (i.e. it is not a 'restricted' local variety). Still, French remains a powerful linguistic influence in the modem Tunisian scene. *See also Morocco; Somalia. (Sources: Ghrib- Maamouri, 1984; Stevens, 1983.) Zaire In this country of 26 million, there is a great deal of linguistic heterogeneity, although many speak Bantu languages. Historically, there have been three main lingue franche: Monokutuba and Lingala in the west, and Swahili in the east. French has been the prestigious, official language used (with Swahili) in education. Since 1973, four languages have had 'national' status, Kikongo, Lingala, Swahili and Ciluba. Of these, Lingala is perhaps the most important. (Sources: Goyvaerts et al., 1983; Ndorna, 1984; Polomd, 1968.) THE AMERICAS Haiti Diglossia exists between Haitian Creole and French in Haiti but only for a few as 90 per cent of the population are monolingual Creole speak@rs. Resources are too scarce to make all bilingual, and many are excluded from those formal, public domains where French prevails. Any standard should probably be based upon Port- au-Prince Creole, but the inequality and power structure of the country mean a continuing resistance to the demotion of French from its official-language position. (Sources: Comhaire, 1984; Valdman, 1968.) Language Issues Around the World 175 Mexico Among the 55 Amerindian languages of the country, the general pattern is one of linguistic decline. There is decreasing monolingualism in these languages and bilingualism (with Spanish) is more and more tending towards Spanish monolingualism. As in other situations, the native speakers themselves are often not the ones most interested in language maintenance and there is a general desire to have Spanish taught at school, rather than Indian languages. (Sources: Lastra de Sudrez, 1978; Modiano, 1968.) Paraguay In Paraguay, Spanish is official but Guaranf is recognised as a national language. The former has tended to be the more prestigious, especially in the capital city of Asunci6n, while the latter predominates in rural areas. Yet, there is a high degree of bilingualism (among more than 50 per cent of the population generally, and among about 80 per cent in Asuncidn), many Paraguayans identify with Guaranf (although not necessarily with its Indian heritage), and Guaranf is a "language of intimacy" often used abroad even by those who normally speak Spanish at home. Thus, unlike many Indian languages in South America, Guaranf is not generally looked down upon. Guaranf has had written status since the time of the Jesuits in the sixteenth century and now efforts are being made to promote general Guaranf literacy. Since 1973, it has been accepted in classrooms, there exists an Acadeinfa de Cultura Guaranf, and there is hope for the development of a Guaranf lengua de cultura. It remains the case, however, that upward mobility is associated with Spanish, and many Guaranf-speaking parents prefer Spanish education for their children. Still, Guaranf is in a strong position (e.g. compared to Aymara in Bolivia, Quechua in Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, or the Indian languages of Mexico), and bilingual education may prove a valuable linguistic support in Paraguay. At the moment, the dynamics are unclear, for it is suggested, on the one hand, that Guaratif is strengthening in rural areas while, on the other, that transitional bilingual education (where Guaranf is used to facilitate the acquisition of Spanish) may be lessening the use of Guaranf in such contexts, where it was thought strong enough (at an oral level at least) to survive such programmes. (Sources: Corvaldn, 1983; Engelbrecht & Ortiz, 1983; Garvin & Mathiot, 1968; Rubin, 1968a, b, c, 1978.) Peru Spanish is the dominant language for the V/hite and mestizo majority, which is largely urban and coastal. Quechua and Aymara are the languages of the large indigenous minority of the Andean sieffas. Despite recent declarations of 'respect' and encourage- ment for these varieties, the present policy aims at Spanish literacy (although it is acknowledged that, in some areas, Quechua/Aymara literacy may expedite this process). A clear status distinction separates the Spanish patrons from the peasants, many of whom are becoming assimilated into urban economic life. In contrast to Paraguay, Peru is not a very bilingual country. Of the total population (about 15 million, as of 1972), 60 per cent are Spanish speakers, 35 per cent Quechua and four per cent Aymara. The low prestige attaching to the last two also applies to these varieties in Ecuador and Bolivia (where the numbers of Spanish, Quechua and Aymara speakers are more or less the same). There is general acceptance of the necessity for Spanish, and of the 176 Language Issues Around the World presumed retarding effects of Quechua/Aymara monolingualism; one observes, again, parents insisting upon Spanish education for their children. (Sources: AIM, 1979; Burns, 1968; Escobar, 1983; Hill & Coombs, 1982; Weichselbaurn, 1978.) Suriname Dutch is both prestigious and official in Suriname, but there now exists a campaign to promote literacy in Saramaccan. This is in response to the tradition in which vernacular speakers have repressed their own mother-tongue, a situation viewed by some as detrimental to personal and group self-esteem. (Sources: Glock, 1983; Koefoed et al., 1984.) ASIA YWe People's Republic of China In mainland China, 94 per cent of the population are said to speak a Han language - either the common standard, Putonghua, or one of the others (classed here as dialects, although most are not mutually intelligible). The largest number, mainly in the north and west, speak varieties of Mandarin; in the east, many speak Wu dialects; in the south-east, Cantonese, Fukienese and Hakka are important. Putonghua (a variety of Mandarin; the name itself means 'common speech') was officially endorsed in 1956, and embodies the Peking pronunciation and northern Chinese grammar generally. The national aim is to promote Putonghua, simplify the written characters, and create and popularise a phonetic alphabet. However, the constitution (1954) protects national minorities and their languages (the major ones being Mongolian, Tibetan, Korean, Uighur and Zhuang). English is the most important second language taught. (Sources: Barnes, 1983; Dilger, 1984; Lehmann, 1975; Light, 1980.) Hong Kong In this colony, whose future is now the subject of much concern and debate, about 98 per cent of the five million inhabitants are Chinese, and Cantonese is the lingua franca. English is of great practical value and figures in much local administration and education. Daily speech often comprises a niixture of Cantonese and English, e.g. students are more likely to use a mixture than either Cantonese or English, even though they may perceive the mix as low in social status. In Hong Kong, then, where the high-status variety is English, the 'solidarity' function is not always served by the variety (i.e. mix) most often used. Cantonese recently gained official status, alongside English, and there is official support for more Cantonese at secondary school (90 per cent of children already receive primary education in Cantonese). However, parental pressure has been against this on practical economic grounds. Schools have been left to choose for themselves and Cantonese-medium schools have declined. Thus, English officialdom is encouraging Cantonese, while Cantonese parents continue to insist on English. (Sources: Bolton St Luke, 1984; Gibbons, 1982, 1983.) Language Issues Around the World 177 India The linguistic heterogeneity of India is vast. The 1961 census classified more than 1,000 mother-tongue varieties into about 200 languages - these representing some 440 million people. At a much more minor level, there were another 530 'unclassified' languages, as well as more than 100 languages of foreign origin. In this diverse linguistic scene there are two important lingue franche, English (26 per cent of all bilinguals claim it as their second language) and Hindi (22 per cent). The former is particularly important at the inter-state level, but there have been some fears of English eroding other varieties and some moves to stress Hindi as the preferred bilingual option. The Indian constitution recognises 15 languages (Sanskrit plus 14 'modem' varieties) which, it is claimed, reflect almost 90 per cent of the population. Most state governments are reasonably tolerant of multilingual areas but there are those who have pushed for the replacement of 'grassroots' pluralism with mandatory bi- or trilingualism. Thus, the so-called 'three language formula' of 1956 recommended that schools teach the mother-tongue, Hindi and English to non-Hindi speakers; and Hindi, English and another Indian language to Hindi speakers. Pandit (1979) has provided an interesting insight into the stable bi- and multilingualism so common in India; his point is that linguistic competence is often restricted to the minimum usage required in specific settings. He gives the example of a Bombay businessman whose home language is a Kathiawari dialect of Gujerati. He uses Marathi in the local markets and Hindustani at the railway station (this variety, Pandit notes, is used in 'non- elite' pan-Indian contexts; thus, it is appropriate on the railways but not to an air hostess on an internal flight). At work - the businessman is a spice merchant - the language used is Kacchi. At leisure, he may watch films in Hindustani or English and probably reads a newspaper written in a Gujerati more standard than his own mother-tongue form. (Sources: Apte, 1979; Bliatia, 1982; Brass, 1974; Das Gupta, 1975; Ghosh, 1984; Khubchandani, 1977, 1978, 1979, 1983, 1984; Krishnamurti, 1979; LePage, 1964; Pandit, 1979; Schermerhom, 1978; Suresh, 1984.) Indonesia Dutch continued to be powerful here even when, from the start of this century, demands began for political and national rights. A nationalistic youth congress held in Jakarta in 1928 called for Malay - the existing lingua franca - to be the official national language. In the 1945 constitution, Malay was given this status and, although hopes that it would completely replace Dutch have not been realised, it has unified the archipelago of 125 million people (90 per cent of whom are Islamic) and 250 languages. Further moves on behalf of Bahasa Indonesia (as the language was termed) were put in train with independence in 1947, but it still requires modernisation and standardisation. (Sources: Alisiahbana, 1977; Furnivall, 1939/1967; Jaspars St Warnaen, 1982; Rubin, 1977.) Malaysia Before independence in 1957, English was the official language; afterwards, the new Federation of Malaya adopted Malay. However, official policy was to retain English for ten years, during which time it was accepted that it would continue as the main legislative instrument. In 1%3, Malaysia came into being, incorporating the Federation, Sarawak, Sabah and Singapore (which opted out two years later). Malay continues as the lingua franca, but English remains strong. In 1969, for reasons of national unity, 178 Language Issues Around the World Malay was officially termed Bahasa Malaysia. It is to be expected that English will continue to have importance, particularly since the Chinese population is only slightly smaller than the indigenous Malay (about 37 per cent and 45 per cent respectively). As well, the intensification of Malay promotion has meant hardship and some resentment for those who are monolingual in other languages. (Sources: de Terra, 1983; LePage, 1964, 1984; Platt, 1981; Watson, 1980a, b.) Nepal About 40 languages are spoken in Nepal. The national language, Nepali, is the mothertongue of just over half the population and acts as a lingua franca. An education report of 1956 stressed Nepali and downgraded other varieties, although some (notably Hindi and Newari) are important; the Government has yet to implement any official language policies. (Sources: Davies, 1984; Sonntag, 1980.) Singapore* Making up Singapore's 2.5 million population are Chinese (76 per cent), Malays (15 per cent), Indians (7 per cent) and others. There are four official languages - Mandarin, Malay, Tamil and English (the last understood by almost half the population although this varies with age, the younger understanding more than the older). It is official policy in Singapore to promote Mandarin, which is spoken natively by only about 0. 1 per cent of the populace, and to downgrade Hokkien, a major lingua franca which is functionally and lexically restricted (cf. Fukienese and Mandarin in Taiwan). Thus, the 1979 campaign of Mandarin promotion pointed out that 'dialects cannot communicate your educated thoughts and refined feelings'. Kuo (1984) reproduces some of the signs and posters used. One of these ('Use English between different communities. Use Mandarin within the Chinese community.') indicates the continuing concern for English proficiency. Historically, English has been very important, and it remains the only high-status lingua franca acceptable in virtually all domains. Mandarin and English are, then, the prestigious varieties; Hokkien and the so-called 'Bazaar' Malay are low in status and the number of speakers is declining. Tamil plays a minor role. Nonetheless, Malay remains the national language (a reminder, if nothing else, of Singapore's brief incorporation in Malaysia from 1963 to 1965) and is a widely understood lingua franca. Complicating matters further is the assignment of all Singaporeans to one of the four groups (Chinese, Malay, Indian, English) and a rather conftised national stance in which, one the one hand, a Singaporean identity is important while, on the other, people are urged in various ways to maintain their place within one of the four official categories. Mother-tongues are 'assigned' to individuals on the basis of their category and this means that many do not speak their designated 'mothertongue' (particularly, of course, within the Chinese community). At school, about 85 per cent of children start in a language which is not that of their home. And there is extra-educational confusion too; Altehenger- Smith (1980) reports a case of a civil servant, ethnically Chinese but with Malay as a mother-tongue and English as a second language, who was refused permission to sit an examination in Malay because it was considered 'only natural' that one should be competent in one's mother-tongue designated here as Mandarin. Generally, the educational policy seems to be more and more in favour of bilingualism (mother-tongue plus English), but the confusion already noted above and the increasing Language Issues Around the World 179 power and status of Mandarin may indicate future difficulties. As well, since English remains the high-status supra-ethnic lingua franca, many members of all groups have switched their children to English-medium programmes. *See also Taiwan. (Sources: Altehenger-SrrLith, 1980; Clanimer, 1982; Harrison, 1980; Kuo, 1980, 1984; LePage, 1984; Platt, 1977, 1980; Platt & Lian, 1982; Platt & Weber, 1980.) Sri Lanka Language is a major cleavage in Sri Lanka. There are about nine million Sinhalese, Buddhist Sinhala speakers, and over 2.5 million Tamils. Some of the latter descend from settlers who came from south India a thousand years ago, some from midnineteenth century immigrants who arrived to work on tea and rubber estates. These Hindu people speak Tamil. Under British rule (from the end of the eighteenth century until 1948), English became the official and prestigious language. Prior to independence there existed a swabhasha movement for 'own language' which embraced both Sinhala and Tamil. However, a national resurgence among the majority Sinhalese community led to a 'Sinhala only' thrust which culminated in the 1956 declaration of Sinbala as the sole official language of the island. Naturally enough, Tamil resentment was great, and their sense of being a beleaguered minority increased. On the other hand, it was pointed out that Sinhala was spoken only by the nine million on Sri Lanka, while Tamil was a large and powerful language in southern India (with more than 40 million speakers). The scene since then has been one of increasing polarisation and, indeed, there has recently been considerable violence and the development of a Tamil separatist movement which demands autonomy in the Jaffna peninsula where the overwhelming majority of Tamil speakers live. Official response to Tamil protest has often been less than diplomatic, e.g. the 1972 constitution not only reaffirmed the dominant position of Sinhala but also gave state blessing to Buddhism. (Sources: Dharinadasa, 1977; Gair, 1983; Kearney, 1976; Suseendirarajah, 1980.) Taiwan* A diglossic bilingualism exists on Taiwan, where 15 million speak Fukienese (Taiwanese), one million speak Hakka, and about two million have other native languages (including Mandarin). It is Mandarin, however, which is the official national language and which acts as the lingua franca. Most are bilingual in Mandarin and another variety, most commonly, of course, Fukienese. It is not perhaps readily apparent why Mandarin rather than Fukienese has received official recognition; however, given the linguistic policy on the mainland (cf. China), the Nationalists on Taiwan have felt it necessary to promote Mandarin as a marker of their legitimacy as the rightful Government of all China. This curious situation involves official disapproval of Fukienese and Hakka in public life. They are permitted at school only in the very earliest stages; otherwise, their use is proscribed. Mandarin competence now extends to about 95 per cent of the population, but fears have been expressed that Fukienese and Hakka are threatened with extinction because of draconian government measures. The current situation is a clear diglossic distinction: Mandarin in public, Fukienese (or another) at home. This may well be a stable phenomenon since, while Fukienese is not developed enough to challenge 180 Language Issues Around the World Mandarin in public domains, the Mandarin policy does not aim to replace the existing home-based dominance of Fukienese and Hakka. *See also Singapore. (Sources: Cheng, 1979; Kaplan & Tse, 1982; Tse, 1982.) USSR The Russification policies of the Tsars were deliberate attempts to use the Russian language as the 'cement of empire'. Although there were a few who called for the use of other national languages in school (see e.g. the views of Academician Ianzhul, cited by KumanEv, 1979), no real change occurred until after the Revolution. Leninist policies rejected compulsory Russification and supported the linguistic rights of minorities, in an effort to improve literacy rates and as a fundamental article of equality. However, the Leninist line clearly hoped that literacy in the various national and minority languages would be but a step towards competence in Russian. Russian would then become, first, a universal lingua franca and, later, a potential world language. Thus, in 1938, the Government made Russian lessons compulsory in all schools and, although the earlier views have continued to be officially in force (e.g. as reflected in a 1973 law concerning freedom of choice for languages of instruction), some have sugges- ted that a new wave of Russification has been underway for some time. From Stalin to Brezhnev, the status of Russian has been amplified. The aim, again, is for Russian to be the lingua franca and the central element in a common supranational identity. Some of the stronger linguistic groups - Georgians, Ukrainians, Armenians - have opted for Russian as a second language, but smaller speech communities have increasingly adopted it as the language of instruction at school, largely for reasons of perceived economic advantage. A recent official pronouncement is that the Soviet people have voluntarily adopted Russian as the language of communication between nations, but there obviously exists some tension between pressures for Russification and legal safeguards for minority languages. These pressures may be expected to increase, with increasing Russian concern about internal unrest (e.g. pan-Islamic movements). Official statistics now show that more than 80 per cent of the total population are fluent in Russian. Generally, the contemporary position is one in which official hopes are for increasing assimilation, but where the stronger national languages continue to thrive. The interesting question here, as elsewhere, is whether or not bilingualism will be (or will be allowed to be) a stable condition. (Sources: Allworth, 1980; Central Statistical Board of the USSR, 1982; Contrie, 1981; Creissels, 1979; Goodman, 1968; Grant, 198 1; Haarmann, 1979; Kravetz, 1980; Kreindler, 1982; Kumandv, 1979; Lewis, 1971, 1980, 1983; Pipes, 1975; Shorish, 1984; Tollefson, 1981b; Wixman, 1984.) THE PACIFIC Guam In two articles, Riley (1975, 1980) discusses the linguistic situation in Guam, one of the Mariana Islands. In 1975, about 82 per cent were Chamorro-English bilinguals, 15 per cent were bilingual in English and another language, and the rest were mono- lingual English. A survey of college students revealed little ethnocentrism: 78 per cent (of 194 respondents) felt that Chamorro should have official status with English, 82 per cent felt that students should support Chamorro, but 68 per cent considered that Language Issues Around the World 181 a knowledge of Chamorro was not necessary to be a 'proper' Guamanian. The students reflected the linguistic pragmatism which has characterised the community, where English has traditionally had high status. While it remains the medium of instruction and dominates in public life, there have been some recent moves to encourage Charnorro. The latter is now taught as a subject in some schools and has figured in experimental bilingual programmes (not, however, without arousing some opposition from nonChamorro ethnic groups). Thus, Riley's later survey (1980) revealed that 91 per cent of students thought that Chamorro should be supported and there was a drop to 50 per cent who felt that it was unnecessary for full Guamanian identity. Riley sees this as the start of a major attitude change, but recent experiences elsewhere would suggest a longer perspective is necessary. (Sources: Combs & Jernudd, 1981; Riley, 1975, 1980.) New Zealand In 1976 the population of New Zealand was about 3.3 million, 90 per cent of whom were Pakeha (English-speaking Europeans). Most of the rest are Maori (about 250,000), and there are about 70,000 European and Pacific Islands immigrants. The population has intermingled considerably and many Maori are no longer visually distinctive. Many still identify themselves as Maori, even though they speak only English (there are no Maori monoglots remaining, although Maori is still spoken by at least 70,000). . Traditionally, Maori has been downgraded and it still lacks prestige despite recent increases in school support and promotion of Maori culture generally. It is a familiar feature of declining languages that, once provisions are made for teaching them, many learners are 'outsiders'; many studying Maori now are Pakeha. Still, from the 1960s Maori has had a small place at primary school. Most Maori are now urban-dwelling, most use English (even at home), there is the familiar generation gap and, generally, there is not a great deal of active community support for programmes aimed at supporting the language and culture. The language retains lingua franca status in some communities and some domains in others but it is recognised that, with or without bilingual programmes at school, the number of native speakers will continue to shrink. (Sources: Benton, 1979a, b, 1980b, 1983a, b; Kaplan, 1981.) Papua New Guinea More than 700 native languages are spoken in Papua New Guinea: 200 Austronesian (among 20 per cent of the population, mainly in the islands and along some of the coast) and 500 Papuan (among 80 per cent, largely in the interior and on much of the coast). However, among the three million inhabitants there are three important lingue franche: English, Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin) and Hiri Motu (Police Motu). The southern part of Papua New Guinea was run by the British from 1884 to 1906; the northern was a German colony from 1884 to 1914. Australia took over both parts, fused them into a single administration in 1946, and the region gained independence in 1975. From 1946, English was official, and Tok Pisin and Hiri Motu were widely used. Today, all three have official status but govertiment proceedings are in English. 'Me situation of interest in Papua New Guinea does not involve conflict among actual vernaculars so much as the dominance of a lingua franca. New Guinea Pidgin is the most important of the two native varieties and has about five times as many speakers as Hiri Motu (although many are competent in both). Further, adding to its potential 182 Language Issues Around the World as the national language, New Guinea Pidgin is now undergoing creolisation. Against this is a degree of functional restriction, an association with colonial days and (in the eyes of some) low status as a 'debased' form of English. Still, many believe New Guinea Pidgin to be the strongest contender for national-language status. (Sources: Bickerton, 1984; Brennan, 1983; Feather, 1981a, b; Taylor, 1981; Wurni, 1968, 1977, 1978, 1979.) The Philippines A population exceeding 50 million speaks more than 70 languages in the Philippines. Tagalog and Cebuano are each natively spoken by about a quarter of the population, Ilocana and Hiligaynon by more than ten per cent each. Bikol and Waray by about five per cent each. In all, there are some three dozen mother-tongues having more than 30,000 speakers. There is a high degree of bi- and multilingualism, particularly in the Manila area, but degrees of competence are not well-known. An example is provided by Kaplan (1982) of a Manila taxi-driver who is a native Cebuano speaker married to a Waray speaker. He uses these two in family settings, but Tagalog (Pilipino) with his children and in daily life, and English with some customers, in some shops and for some leisure activities. Before the Americans established English as the language of education in 1900, Spanish had been the colonial variety, although it was learned by only an elite among the Filipinos. Since 1900, English increased its hold and it is estimated that by the time of the Second World War about one-quarter of the population had some competence in it. The major internal rivalry has been between Tagalog (the language of the capital) and Cebuano. With independence (1946), Spanish, English and Pilipino (as Tagalog was now termed) became official, although English continued to dominate in many spheres, e.g. it has a major place in the broadcast media and the biggest newspapers are in English. 'Me renaming of Tagalog was for the sake of national unity, but non-Tagalog speakers were, in some cases, annoyed with this rather transparent operation. Tagalog - officially proclaimed as the national language in 1937 and renamed Pilipino in 1959 - has nevertheless become more and more accepted. It is now used by more than half the population and is certainly the lingua franca of the country. But, many refuse to see it as the national language (particularly on Cebu Island), and it has clearly not transcended its particular ethnic roots. English thus continues as the supra- ethnic variety. Furthermore, moves to 'purify' Pilipino have alienated some of its own speakers. Another complication here is the official lip-service paid to the development of a 'new' national language - Filipino - which may mean nothing more than a second renaming of Tagalog. Still, there is clearly an ongoing desire for an indigenous national language. The 1973 constitution makes both English and Pilipino official, also stressing the formulation of Filipino, and the National Board of Education supports English-Pilipino bilingualism at all but the very earliest levels; this policy, of course, excludes the mothertongues of most of the population. Yet English still has official priority in any 'case of conflict' and for international communication, science and technology. This would suggest the possibility of a stable diglossia in which Pilipino would dominate in sociocultural life. However, for non-Tagalog speakers, other varieties will continue to occupy the family domain, at least where migration and urbanisation do not entail a shift to Pilipino. It has also been suggested that, except among urban dwellers where opportunities emst Language Issues Around the World 183 for the use and reinforcement of English, the general aim of upgrading Pilipino often means a decline of English; this would further favour Tagalog speakers and city dwellers generally. The Manilehos might then become the new bilingual elite and the rural populace (and the urban poor) would be left with their own vernaculars and, increasingly, Tagalog. Indeed, estimates put the number of Tagalog speakers in the year 2000 at about 97 per cent of the population. Whatever the future, the history of the Philippines shows that the achievement of nationhood is not dependent upon a common language. Indeed, 'short of a massive social upheaval or a radical change in the politics of the region, the Filipino will continue to be multilingual, [or] at least, trilingual' (Gonzalez, 1980, p. 157). The relationship between English and Pilipino will continue to be an interesting one too, given that, despite efforts to augment the status of the latter, many have a low regard for Tagalog/Pilipino. 'Filipino shoppers in downtown Manila who speak Pilipino to the clerk get little attention or receive haughty stares. One gets prompt service when he [sic] speaks English, and prompt, polite service when he speaks Spanish. Some Filipino parents object to their children being taught their mother-tongue on the grounds that they have learned the language at home' (Ramos, cited in LePage, 1964, pp. 26-27). (Sources: Asuncion-Lande, 1978; Asuncion-Lande & Pascasio, 1979; Benton, 1980a; Gonzalez, 1977, 1980, 1982; Kaplan, 1982; LePage, 1964; Llarnzon, 1977; Luzares, 1982; Miller, 1981; Pascasio, 1977; Pascasio & Hidalgo, 1979; Sibayan, 1984a, b; Yabes, 1977.) Ponape Ponape is one of five island groups in the Carolines. There are two important dialects of the language, with subdialects. However, no one variety commands the most prestige and the main linguistic rival is English. The Americans have administered the territory since the end of the Second World War. Generally, there is a widespread desire to acquire English and it is predicted that, within a few decades, most win have it as a second language. (Source: Fischer, 1979.) Samoa (American) Most of the 30,000 population are bilingual, to some extent, in English and Samoan. There exists here the familiar love-hate relationship with English, which is feared for its potential destructive power but desired for pragmatic benefits. Most daily business is conducted in Samoan and it is the language of the home. English is dominant in other contexts however, notably in the media; official forms and legal proceedings are bilingual. The Government aim is to improve the standing of English, but it must also recognise the desire to maintain (and, in some cases, regain) Samoan. (Source: Baldauf, 1982.) Vanuatu It is claimed that in this Pacific island there are more indigenous languages per capita than anywhere else in the world (108 varieties among 100,000 people). Bislama, a Melanesian pidgin, is the lingua franca and many see it as a unifying force, although it is not official in education or law. The official languages are French and English, i.e. Vanuatu possesses two colonial varieties. There are separate French and English school systems, each having a roughly equal share of the population. The English schools have been established longer than the French, but the French system is free whereas the 184 Language Issues Around the World the English is not. Also, French financial aid to Vanuatu is dependent upon the maintenance of the school system. 'Me most recent development was a 1981 conference recommending more room for Bislama (and other local varieties) in education. (Sources: Charpentier, 1984; Lindstrom, 1983; Topping, 1982.) EUROPE Belgium In Belgium, a 1,000-year-old language boundary separates Dutch- speaking Flanders in the north from French Wallonia in the south. Traditionally, the French region and language have been dominant, although French speakers have always been numerically fewer; now, however, the Flemish (constituting about 56 per cent of the country's 10 million inhabitants) have the stronger economy. Power imbalances have meant that, to an extraordinary degree, Belgian political life is dominated by the language issue arid what it reflects. Governments have fallen on the matter (e.g. in 1968 over the Louvain University crisis). French was the dominant national language until the 1932 legislation which gave Dutch official status in Flanders. However, the continuing (and most painfid) thorn for the Flemish is the presence and expansion of Brussels, which is largely a francophone city but which is north of the linguistic divide. It is now difficult to ascertain language dynamics since no census data on language have been gathered since 1946, but there is no doubt that the Flemish continue to know more French than the Walloons do Dutch. This reflects the differential status and perceived utility of the two languages nationally and internationally - and is of particular interest in the continuing shift to French among the Flemish of Brussels. In 1963, language laws fixed the linguistic boundary, restricted the metropolitan Brussels area and essentially broke up the unitary Belgian state. This schism had, of course, been a de facto matter for some time - many Walloons had always looked to Paris for 'cultural guidance' and many of the Flemish to The Hague - but the situation is now such that many commentators propose federalism as the only realistic bond. The continuing 'Belgian dilemma' as Donaldson (1983, p. 31) puts it, is that 'it is an artificially created country, founded a mere 150 years ago but divided in two by a linguistic frontier which has existed for over 1000 years.' s et al., 1979; (Sources: Baetens Beardsmore, 1980, 1983; Bourhis, 1982; Bourhi Donaldson, 1983; Edwards & Sheam, in preparation; Halls, 1983; Hainers, 1981; Lorwin, 1972; Petersen, 1975; Swing, 1982, 1983; Willemyns, 1984; Zolberg, 1977.) Finland* In 1970, Swedish speakers in Finland numbered about 300,000 (i.e. about seven per cent of the population). Swedish is an official language and bilingual Organisation is relatively easy since speakers are largely found in three, wen-defined coastal areas: the th coast around Helsinki, and the west coast around Vaasa. Aland Islands, the sou Swedish speakers are virtually all bilingual, are often willing to use Finnish wherever possible, and show signs of increasing assimilation. Swedish is more and more restricted to home environments, older people use it more than do younger ones, and it has been ted that the declining position of Swedish in metropolitan areas has passed the sugges point of no return. Still, given the numbers, Swedish remains viable, and benefits from Language Issues Around the World 185 the historical fact that Finland was part of Sweden for six centuries and that Swedish retained dominance in Finland until the mid-nineteenth century. There have been calls for a Swedish television channel, Swedish is compulsory in all schools, and education is available in Swedish at all levels (there is a unilingual Swedish university in Turku/Abo). Generally, the Finnish authorities are well-disposed towards the minority language and thus the most important factor seems to be the desire of the Swedish-speakers to maintain the language. *See also Lapland. (Sources: Laurdn, 1980; Liebkind, 1982; Reuter, 1981.) France Traditionally, France has had a very centralist orientation. In 1539, Francis I ruled French to be the sole language of his dominion and, in the following centuries, many could be found to dispute Renan's statement (1947/1882): 'Un fait honorable pour la France, c'est qu'elle n'a jamais cherchd A obtenir Funitd de la langue par des mesures de coercition' (p. 899). In the modem era, one observes a continuing concern for the status of French, now perceived as losing international ground to English, in spite of some apparently growing tolerance of indigenous minority languages. In 195 1, the Loi Deixonne did provide some educational status for regional varieties, in particular, Basque, Breton, Catalan, Corsican, Alsatian, Flemish and Occitan. A 1978 survey showed that 72 per cent of the population were in favour of maintaining this diversity, 47 per cent wanted educational support/development and 35 per cent actually spoke or understood one or more regional languages. However, the tolerance of minority forms in France is still rather restrained. As an example here, we can consider the situation of Occitan (or Provenqal).* It has been receding in the face of French for centuries and today, while there may be as many as eight million who can speak it, perhaps only 1.5 million use it regularly. Factors including restrictions on its use at school and its association with rurality and backwardness have meant that, over the past two generations at least, Occitan has not been systematically passed on to children. In 1945, the Institut dEstudis Occitans was established, but the enthusiasms of language militants are not always a good barometer of more general attitudes. As in other minority-language contexts, one finds more of a rejection of Occitan by women than by men; the former are often more conservative, linguistically, than the latter but, given competition between a prestigious variety and one whose status is diminishing, are often more likely to opt (for themselves and for their children) for the form seen to be linked to upward mobility. Other features found elsewhere include a recent emphasis by linguistic nationalists on the 'reconquest' of the urban young (obviously an important group for the future of the language) and a relative neglect of the remaining native speakers, who are increasingly associated with traditionalism, clannishness and poverty. Enmity also exists between speakers of traditional Occitan and those seeking to formulate a standard. Publications and classes in Occitan have little impact for most native speakers; the leaders here are usually native speakers themselves but their followers in the movement are mainly not. Culturally, there is more general success with singing and acting than with actual language learning or revival (cf. Timm's comments on Brittany, 1980). *Discussion of the Breton situation wiU be found in chapter 3. (Sources: Dalby, 1983; Field, 1981; Schlieben-Lange, 1977; Tabouret-Keller, 1981; Weinstein, 1976.) 186 Language Issues Around the World West Germany In Schleswig-Holstein, near the Danish border, is the region of North Frisia (Nordfriesland). In an area of about 800 square miles, there are five languages in regular use: High and Low German, Danish, Jutish and Frisian. The last of these is divided into ten major dialects, some of which are not mutually intelligible, e.g. Father (German: vater) is taatje in the Mooring dialect, aati (Fering), faader (S61ring), foor (Halunder) and heit (Frysk). And all of this linguistic diversity is found within a group of only 10,000 Frisians! Despite recent efforts in support of Frisian, the language is in a state of decline. Important features here (not unique to this context by any means) include: poor literacy levels, shrinking language domains, out-migration, in-migration (post-War refugees and, latterly, tourists), parental disinclination to transmit the Language, general linguistic apathy and, of course, a large degree of dialect diversity within a small population. On this last point, it is interesting to note that the body promoting Frisian is called the Nordfriisk institute, where the friisk is meant to be a dialectally 'neutral' term. Similarly, a magazine edited by some young people is given a Latin title, Frisica Nova, to maintain neutrality and to avoid dialect choice. 'Me great diversity also poses problems with, for example, school materials. It is difficult to produce a book in six dialect editions, print only 1,000 copies in total, and sell it anywhere near a price that would cover costs - yet this has recently been done. Another complication is that some Frisians are oriented towards West Germany, others towards Denmark. There are thus 'German Frisians' and 'Danish Frisians'. 'Mere are fewer in the latter group but they are more active in language promotion. Consequently, there has arisen a general association of Frisian with Danish, with negative repercussions for the whole Frisian movement since the regional government in Kiel (capital of Schleswig-Holstein) is fearful (or claims to be) of Frisian separatism. Frisians are not, in any case, considered a minority officially, since they do not constitute what the authorities conceive of as a national minority (unlike, for example, the Danes in Schleswig-Holstein). *I restrict myself here to the Frisian situation; see also the Netherlands. (Sources: Boelens, 1976; Walker, 1980a, b, 1984.) Lapland (Finland, Sweden, Norway, the USSR) The Saami people live in four countries: there are about 20,000 in Norway, 2,000 in Russia, 10,000 in Sweden, and 3,000 in Finland (Keskitalo, 1981, puts the last two figures at 17,000 and 5,000). The highest densities are in northern Norway and Finland and in some municipalities the Saami constitute a majority. However, they hardly exceed ten per cent in any midland districts. Finland is the only one of the four countries where an official definition of Saami is in force but the group has no official language rights. In 197 1, a Saami Language Board was established, and this may be taken as an indication of concern for the language. Most Saami are bilingual (at least) and there exist the familiar difficulties of out-migration and declining language transmission to children. Historically, educational aims have stressed the learning of the majority language. (Sources: Keskitalo, 1981; Korhonen, 1976; Reuter, 1981.) Luxemburg In courtroom proceedings in Luxemburg, evidence is often given in Utzebuergesch (a German dialect and the country's vernacular), lawyers argue the case in French (a Language Issues Around the World 187 prestigious variety) and the written verdict is presented in Standard German (a language of practicality and convenience). This illustrates the trilingualism/triglossia which exists in the region. All speak Utzebuergesch as a mother-tongue, many have Standard German, and some (particularly the middle and upper class) have French. Schools teach all three, with German as a medium of instruction in primary school and French at the secondary level. However, the strength of Utzebuergesch has not been eroded and it remains a vehicle for identity and solidarity. Still, 'only lunatics' would consider giving it sole official-language status. (Sources: Hoffman, 1979, 1981; Jakob, 1981.) Malta The language situation in Malta has not received much outside attention, but it is a fascinating one. Maltese is a Semitic language, with many Romance and English borrowings. There has been an interesting debate concerning the type of Semitic roots which it possesses. Members and supporters of the Maltese Labour Party (generally pro-Arab) encourage the importance of Arab roots - these date from the ninth to eleventh centuries - and there is some mutual intelligibility between Maltese and Arabic. Those who are anti-Arab support a Hebrew influence, which dates from late Roman times; this is the stance of many in the National Party. Some older Maltese stress earlier Phoenician roots. AU these allegiances are complicated by religious and socioeconomic status differences. Finally, Italians have claimed that Maltese is a variety of their language! While the British arrived in Malta in 1801, Italian continued to be the prestigious variety until the early twentieth century. In 1934, Maltese was given official status, recognising its vernacular role. Now it is the language of state, church and conversation, though still not of literacy (written material is largely in English). Two of the three receivable television channels are Italian; the other is half-English, half-Maltese. Some areas can also receive Libyan television. Generally, as a vernacular, Maltese is in a strong position. It is much-discussed as an identity symbol and there is some resentment of foreigners speaking or understanding it. (Sources: Dench, 1975; Gullick, 1974.) The Netherlands* In this country of 15 million, Dutch is the mother-tongue for over 90 per cent of the population. The most numerous minority groups are the Moluccans (about 30,000, speaking Malay), Surinamese (250,000, Sranan or Sarnami), Dutch-Indonesians (about 250,000 repatriates) and Frisians (about 500,000 in Friesland - 70 per cent use Frisian regularly and more understand it). As well, there is a gastarbeiter population of some 200,000. The Frisians are by far the largest indigenous minority and, recently, have had their language-maintenance efforts supported in school. Frisian literacy is at a much lower level than oral competence and consequently school programmes are seen as vital. The region is characterised by non-Frisian in-migration, weakness of the language outside the home, and the influence of Dutch media. Feitsma (1981) notes that 'the homogeneous Frisian-speaking vfflage does not exist any more' (p. 168). It may be that activity on behalf of Frisian is coming too late and, in any event, the Dutch want NA 188 Language Issues Around the World to limit any official recognition of bilingualism to Friesland itself (i.e. to keep the phenomenon at a provincial level). *See also West Germany. (Sources: Appel, 1983; Boelens, 1976; Feitsma, 1981; Gorter, 1981; Pietersen, 1976, 1978.) Romania Before the 1948 constitution, there was job discrimination against minorities generally, and particularly within the civil and armed services. However, the general tenor of Romanian history has been one of tolerance and lack of linguistic oppression. Since 1948, cultural pluralism has been officially acknowledged, all have language rights, and there is media coverage in the larger minority languages. Almost all of the population (17.5 million in 1956) speak Romanian, the official language; other important varieties include Hungarian, German, Russian, Ukrainian and Serbo-Croatian. About 'ten per cent of the population are of Hungarian provenance, mainly in the areas of Banat and Transylvania, which adjoin Hungary, and this long-standing minority group is the single most important. (Sources: Kellogg, 1984; Petyt, 1975.) Spain Basques The Basque country (Euskadi) is found in the four northern Spanish provinces of Vizcaya, Guipdzcoa, Alava and Navarra (with other Basques living in the French Pyrdndes-Atlantique region). Within this area is a population of about 2.5 million. The core of the territory is largely mountainous, but also contains major industrial centres (principally around Bilbao) and tourist resorts. It is estimated that, in 1860, more than half the population spoke Euskera; in 1970 this had declined to about 20 per cent (450,000). The decrease can be partly attributed to lack of generational transmission and to high immigration of Spanish speakers - There has been a history of suppression of Basque language and culture, particularly during ranco years. From about 1950, however, tolerance has increased and, in 11979, the F some regional autonomy and status for Euskera came into effect. It is now increasingly recognised that people should know and use both Euskera and Castilian. However, literacy among Basque speakers is low. A 1975 report showed that although 43 per cent could read Euskera, only about 20 per cent did so regularly, and only 12 per cent wrote it. It is also a language increasingly associated with the family domain. It is, generally, difficult to ascertain the degree to which the language itself serves as an important rallying-point for Basque identity; it certainly is one for activists, but it has been suggested that Basque nationalism is not, overall, closely allied to the use of the language. (Sources: Azurmendi, 1981; Clark, 1980; Connor, 1977; Greenwood, 1977; Medhurst, 1982; Williams, 1984.) Catalans Catalonia, like Euskadi, has an industrially developed heartland and Barcelona has important shipping and textile operations. And, like the Basque situation, this has meant a dilution of Catalan through an influx of Castilian-speaking Spaniards. Historically, Catalan (related to Occitan/Provenqal) has occupied a central position in the region. From the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries it was the 'official' language, although the growing hegemony of Castile had eroded Catalan as a language of culture, and the Bourbon monarchy repressed the language. By the late nineteenth Language Issues Around the World 189 century, there was a fully fledged Catalan nationalism, constructed from an earlier, highly romantic renaissance. 'Me modem history of Catalan is, again, like that of Basque - oppression under Franco, followed by a gradual increase in tolerance and regional autonomy. It is estimated that now about half the population speak and use Catalan, but the Spanish in- migration and the standardising effects of Western culture generally are bringing about a change from diglossia to a more impermanent bilingualism. (Sources: Argente et al., 1981; Llobera, 1983; Pi-Sunyer, 1980; Rees, 1981; Ros i Garcia & Strubell i Trueta, 1984; Sala, 1981; Siguan 1980; Strubell i Trueta, 1982; Tabouret-Keller, 1981.) Sweden The Finns in Sweden fall into two main categories: the border minority living in the Tome valley in northern Sweden (about 50,000), and about 200,000 Finnish immigrants who live mainly in industrial centres in central, western and southern Sweden. Many, in both groups, are monolingual Finnish speakers - the Tome valley group because of their isolation and the immigrants because of their 'passive self-segregation'. The former a.re still closely connected to Finland but, among the immigrants too, ties are strong with the homeland: there are regular contacts and many view their time in Sweden as temporary. In both groups, bilingualism is increasing, there sometimes exist inferiority feelings about speaking Finnish and a generation gap is developing in which children are not learning Finnish. In the Tome valley, about 40 per cent now speak mainly Swedish, children are often given Swedish names and, generally, Finnish is becoming associated with a 'dated' culture. A telling note, gleaned from observation of social clubs, is that Finnish is used when refreshments are served, Swedish to record the minutes. *See also Lapland. (Source: Jaakkola, 1976.) Switzerland Among Swiss citizens, German is the major mother-tongue (74 per cent), followed by French (21 per cent), Italian (four per cent) and Romansh (one per cent). However, among the population as a whole, the first three percentages alter to 69 per cent, 19 per cent and ten per cent. Thus, although the Romansh figures remain unchanged, there are obviously many foreign Italian speakers in Switzerland. Indeed, there are more of them than the Italian- speaking Swiss, who are thus a minority within their own language group in their own country (about 90 per cent of all Italian- speaking Swiss live in the canton of Ticino). Romansh is also largely confined to one canton - Graubdriden - where, in 1979, 23 per cent (about 40,000) spoke it. There has been a 20 per cent decline since the 1950s and familiar features here include an age gap, a sex difference (women move away more from the minority language) and social-status and urban-rural distinctions (Romansh is associated with rurality and poverty). Some have suggested more attention should be paid to popular culture, to attract the young back to things Romansh, but evidence from other minority-language contexts indicates that this often does little for the language itself. (Sources: Billigmeier, 1979; Matthews, 1979; Peterson, 1975; Williamson & Van Eerde, 1980.) 190 Language Issues Around the World Yugoslavia In this country of six republics (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia) and two autonomous provinces (within Serbia: Kosovo and Vojvodina), the official aim is to separate linguistic from nationality rights, to promote the former and restrict the latter. National status is conferred on the groups dominant in the republics, while nationalities comprise other, non-dominant groups; two of these, however, have some status as dominant groups in the two provinces - Albanians in Kosovo and Hungarians in Vojvodina. All languages have some degree of status, but each republic or province determines which will be officially recognised. There is no single official language, with SerboCroatian, Macedonian and Slovenian having recognition. Serbo-Croatian is perhaps the main contender for 'national' status inasmuch as many speak some form of it. (Sources: Dorotich, 1978; Radovanovid, 1983; Strukeli, 1978; Tollefson, 1980, 1981a, b.)